CHAP. L. Meeting of parliament.-The king states his reasons for this extraordinary convocation. The chief subjects of consideration the progress of jacobinical principles.The greater number of peers and commoners conceive there is a design to revolutionize Britain.-A small but able band think this alarm unfounded.-Conduct of France comes before parliament.-Peace, the interest and wish of Britain, if it could be preserved with security.Commercial policy of the minister, and unprecedented prosperity of the country.-The British government observed a strict neutrality during the hostilities between France and Germany.-Communication between lord Grenville and the French ambassador in summer 1792. On the deposition of the king of the French, our sovereign orders his ambassador to leave Paris.-This order a necessary consequence of our king's determination of neutrality. Careful avoidance of interference in the internal affairs of France.-Application of the emperor and king of Naples to his Britannic majesty to refuse shelter to murderers.-Strict adherence to neutrality by Britain. -Aggressions on the part of France.-Chauvelin opens an explanatory negotiation.-Marat, the French secretary comes to London to confer with Mr. Pitt.—Marat justifies, on revolutionary principles, the opening of the Scheldt, though contrary to the established law of nations.-Mr. Chauvelin supports the same doctrine in his correspondence with lord Grenville-professes the decrée of November 19th not intended against Britain.-Reply of the British minister. He declares Britain will not suffer France to annul at pleasure the established law of nations.-Britain requires France to forego her projects of invading and revolutionizing other countries.-Alien bill-is passed into a law.-Augmentation of the army and navy.-Proceedings at Paris.-Gironde partytheir literary ability, boundless ambition, and wild pro jects.-The Mountain blood thirsty and ferocious.Robespierre, Danton, and Marat.-The Girondists desire to spare the king's life.-The Mountain and the mob desire regicide.-Pusillanimity of Brissot and the other Girondists. A decree is passed for bringing the king to trial-Attempts to break the spirit of Lewis-trialnot the smallest proof of guilt.-Complicated iniquity of the process in principle, substance, and mode.-Self-possession and magnanimity of the persecuted monarch.Sentence.-Last interview of Lewis with his family.Execution an awful monument of the doctrines and sentiments that governed France.-Chauvelin demands from the British minister the recognition of the French republic-and the admission of its ambassador.-The British government refuses a recognition which would be an interference in the internal affairs of France.Chauvelin remonstrates against the alien bill and the preparations of Britain-on the massacre of Lewis ordered to leave the country.-France declares war against Britain and Holland.-Review of the conduct of both parties.-Opinions of messrs. Burke, Fox, and Pitt respectively, on the French revolution-the justice and policy of a war.-Messrs. Burke and Pitt support the war on different grounds. Mr. Pitt proposes the security of Britain-Mr. Burke the restoration of monarchy in France.-Violent party censures.-Impartial history finds in the conduct of neither just grounds for their reciprocal reproach.—Public opinion favourable to war with France.-In declaring war against France our king spoke the voice of a great majority of his people. CHAP. L. 1792. ON the 13th of December parliament was assembled; and the king stated his various reasons for his present measures. Notwithstanding the strict neutrality which he had uniformly observed in the war now raging on the Meeting of parliacontinent, he could not, without concern, observe the ment. strong indications of an intention in the French to excite The king disturbances in other countries; to pursue views of con- reasons for quest and aggrandizement inconsistent with the balance ordinary of Europe; to disregard the rights of neutral powers; and convocato adopt towards his allies the states general measures F VOL. IV. states his this extra tion CHAP. L. 1792. Chief subjects of deliberation the progress of jacobinical principles and French power. . neither conformable to the public law, nor to the positive articles of existing treaties. He had, therefore, found it necessary to make some augmentation of his army and navy: these exertions were demanded by the present state of affairs, to maintain internal tranquillity, and render a temperate and firm conduct effectual for preserving the blessings of peace. NEVER did more momentous objects engage the attention of a British legislature than in the present session of parliament. Its many and complicated subjects of deliberation, however chiefly resulted from two subjects which were interwoven together, the operation of jacobinical principles, and the advances of French power. Ministers, supported not only by those members who for many years approved of their measures, but by most of the principal nobility of the old whig interest, Mr. Burke, the veteran champion of that party, and many other gentlemen of the house of commons, also, many members of The great the North part of the coalition, especially lord Loughboof peers rough, now chancellor, declared their conviction that a and com- design existed to revolutionize this country; and that notwithstanding the precautions which were already emdesign to ployed, still constant vigilance, prudence, firmness, and ize Britain. energy, was necessary to prevent its success. er number moners conceive there is a revolution A small but able It had not hitherto, they admitted, produced such overt acts as to afford grounds for judicial process; but had discovered, and even manifested, such objects and tendencies as demanded the counteraction of deliberative wisdom. There were intentions and schemes openly avowed, with many more reasonably suspected, for effecting the downfal of the existing establishments; although no specific treasonable plot had been actually brought to light, the evidence for the existence of such projects consisted of conversations, writings, specific proceedings, and general conduct. To repress such views and attempts, preventive and prospective measures were proposed, and not retrospective or penal. A SMALL but very able band, headed by Mr. Fox, bu think ridiculed and reprobated this apprehension; they said it this alarm was a mere chimera, like the popish plot of Titus Oates; that it sprang from the eloquent misrepresentations of unfounded. L. 1792. Mr. Burke's invectives against the French revolution, and CHAP. was supported by ministers to promote an alarm; divide the whigs; oppose the spirit of liberty and the reform of parliament, and facilitate hostility with France. These were the respective positions of the bodies which now differed in parliament on the subject of internal danger. Mr. Fox and his adherents called for specific instances of conspiracy; and alleged, that since none were produced, the pretended schemes and projects did not exist; that every general imputation must be an aggregate of particular facts, or must be false; that the deduction of probable practice from speculative theories was inconsistent with sound reason and experience, and totally unworthy of a legislature. Must parliament interfere whenever a hotbrained enthusiast writes or speaks nonsense? for the ostensible purposes of ministry, their arguments were futile; but for their real purposes their assertions and actions were well adapted. At the commencement of the session, Mr. Pitt was absent, his seat being vacated by his acceptancy of the Cinque Ports. The chief impugners of these arguments of Mr. Fox and his friends was Mr. Burke, who showing the connexion between opinion and conduct, insisted that the strongest preventive policy was necessary to the salvation of Britain. the France comes before parlia ment. interest it could be with secu MEANWHILE the conduct of France towards this Conduet of country, with the part which Britain should act in present emergency, was a subject of anxious concern to the parliament and nation. To a commercial country de- Peace the riving its prosperity from its industry and arts, cherished and wish of by peace, war was an evil to be incurred from no motive Britain, if but necessity. The extension of commerce, manufactures, preserved and every other source of private wealth and public revenue, though very far from exclusively occupying the official talents of Mr. Pitt, had hitherto been the most constantly prominent objects of his administration. He had moted trade by the wisest and most efficacious means, re- of the minmoval of restraint, and reciprocation of profit. His exertions had been eminently successful where legislative or dented prosperity ministerial effort was necessary, and when no political in- of the terference was wanted, the national capital, enterprise, and country. pro Commer cial policy ister, and unprece 4.4 L 1792. The British government strict neu France and cations be CHAP. skill, nourished by freedom, and secured by peace, had done the rest. The prosperity of the country was beyond the precedent of any former time, and was evidently more abundant from the advantages of neutrality in the midst of surrounding war. The British government was observed a fully aware of the blessings of peace, and the British rality du sovereign had uniformly adhered to the strictest neutraliring the hostilities ty, and also to a rigid forbearance from any interference in between the internal affairs of France. As soon as the king of Germany. France had announced to Britain the commencement of a war between the German powers and his dominions, the court of London issued a proclamation, enjoining his majesty's subjects to receive no commission from any enemy of the French king; and in no way to act hostilely to him or his people, under the severest penalties. His majesty's subjects observed these injunctions, and no complaint of aggression was alleged either by the French king or Communi- nation. Chauvelin, the French ambassador, applied to tween lord the British secretary on the 24th of May, stating, that the Grenville proclamation published a few days before against seditious writings, contained expressions which might, contrary to the intentions of the British ministry, encourage an idea dor in summer, 1792. that France was considered as inimical to the internal tranquillity of England, and requested his application might be communicated to parliament. Lord Grenville's reply represented that Mr. Chauvelin had deviated (he was convinced unintentionally) from the rules of this kingdom in applying to the British minister to communicate to parliament any subject of diplomatic discussion; but assured the French minister of the cordiality of the British sovereign. Chauvelin acknowledged his mistake, and expressed his satisfaction at the assurances of amity which the British minister's answers had conveyed. On the 18th of June, Mr. Chauvelin delivered a note, stating that by the proceedings of the German potentates, the balance of Europe, the independence of the different powers, the general peace, every consideration which at all times has fixed the attention of the English government, was at once exposed and threatened; and inviting his Britannic majesty, and the French ambassa |