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sent to the mint and the bells are turned into cannon.Domiciliary visits.-Massacres of September-atrocious barbarity towards the princess Lamballe.-Meeting of the national convention.-English societies address the convention with congratulations and praise-accompany their commendations with a gift of shoes.-The corre sponding society by its secretary Thomas Hardy, shoemaker, invites the French republic to fraternity with Britain. The convention believes the boasts of such reformers, that they speak the voice of the British nation— this belief influences their political conduct.—Schemes of the convention for procuring the property of other countries. Proceedings of the duke of Brunswic.—He enters France and advances towards Champaign-Dumourier the French general, occupies a strong position. -The duke of Brunswic retreats.-Elation of the French. Dumourier enters the Netherlands, defeats his enemy at Femappe, and reduces the country.-The French propose to conquer and revolutionize all neighbouring states.-Noted decree of November 19th, encouraging foreign nations to revolution.-The French open the Scheldt, contrary to treaties with Britain.-Effects in Britain from French doctrines and proceedings.Anti-constitutional ferment during the recess of 1792.English republicans confidently hope for a change.Alarm of many friends of the constitution. Mr. Reeve's association against republicans and levellers-is very generally joined—and gives an important turn to public opinion. The king embodies the militia-and at such a crisis summons parliament before the appointed time.

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XLIX.

1792.

French re

WHILE lord Cornwallis thus effected so great CHAP. a change in Indostan, the eyes of all Europe were fixed on the revolutions of Poland and France. From the admiration of virtue, or from the enmity of ambition, princes and subjects were warmly interested in the concerns of The the gallant, moderate, and discriminating votaries of ra- volution tional liberty in Poland, but they were still more univer- chiefly ensally and vigilantly attentive to the furious proceedings of attention democratical and anarchical license in France. Every tinent and friend of human rights regarded the Polish establishment of Britain.

gages the

of the con

XLIX.

1792.

of diffused freedom with complacency and satisfaction; but he rejoiced at it on account of the Poles themselves, without considering his own security or interest as likely to be affected by the acts of men who confined their views to their own country. In contemplating France, whether with a friendly, hostile, or impartial regard, every neighbouring beholder saw that the conduct of the Gallic revolutionists would and must influence other nations. The principles and proceedings, whether deserving praise, reprobation, or a mixture of both, were general in their object, and energetic in their operation; and their effects, happy or miserable, evidently must be extensive. The monarchs of the continent, conscious that even moderate and rational liberty was by no means consistent with their own respective governments, regarded with alarm a system, tending not merely to restrain, but to crush and an<The Bri- nihilate monarchy. Britain declared her resolution not to interfere in the internal affairs of France; but the other sovereigns by no means concurred in disclaiming such intentions; indeed some of them were severally predis

tish gov

ernment still re

solved not

to inter

fere in the posed to a very contrary policy. Since the peace of

internal

affairs of France.

Catharine's

views respecting Poland.

Werela, a close intercourse had subsisted between Catharine and Gustavus. The ambitious empress foiled in the expectations with which she had begun the Turkish war, saw a fresh barrier rising against her power in the establishment of Polish independence, which, if suffered to acquire strength and stability, would counteract her future projects; she therefore resolved to crush the newborn freedom. Austria and Prussia only possessed the power of obstructing her designs; and though they were at present upon amicable terms, yet she wished to have a stronger security for the forbearance of their interference: the most effectual, she well knew, would be, if she could occupy them in another quarter. As a sovereign she was, no doubt, inimical to doctrines so unpalatable to crowned heads, and in some degree entered into the sympathies of her neighbours. But the prevention of republicanism, not very likely to make its way among the slavish boors of Russia, was by no means her principal or immediate object. Concealing, however, her real intentions, she expressed not only the strongest indignation

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XLIX.

1792.

She desires

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war with

France.

nitz be

against the French revolutionists, but openly and publicly CHAP. was the first to declare herself determined to protect and restore the ancient government of France. She applied to the king of Sweden, who very readily listened to her suggestions, and promised to cooperate. Catharine and her powerful neighGustavus expressed the warmest approbation of the em- bours in peror's letter. The empress despatched a minister to the French princes at Coblentz, assisted them with money, and pressed them to enter on their expedition. Though determined to avoid all active interference herself, she assumed the appearance of the most ardent zeal against the French revolutionists. Leopold proceeded in his Cautious plans with a caution and coolness which the more ardent prudence of Leopold. advocates of a counter revolution considered as dilatory. In August 1791 a convention was held at Pilnitz between Conventhe emperor, the king of Prussia, and the elector of tion PilSaxony. The friends of the French revolution formed tween the an hypothesis that at this meeting a treaty was concluded ers of Ger for two great purposes; the restoration of absolute mo- many. narchy, and the dismemberment of the French empire. The real object of this convention is now found to have been to preserve the public tranquillity of Europe, and for that purpose to endeavour, by combined influence, to effectuate the establishment of a moderate and limited monarchy in France. The conference at Pilnitz was attended by the count d'Artois, the marquis de Bouillé, and Mr. de Calonne. These illustrious exiles and the The parcontracting sovereigns, stipulated that they would support avow hos the establishment of order and moderate liberty; and that tile intenif the king of France would concur, and other potentates against accede to their designs, they would exert their influence trance. and power to obtain to his christian majesty freedom of

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c On this fiction, the vindicators of France in other countries, and especially in Britain, in conversation, speeches, and writings, during the first five years of the war, rested their principal arguments to prove, that innocent and unoffending friends of liberty and of the human race, were driven by necessity to defend themselves against the confederation of despots which met at Pilnitz. A paper was actually published as an authentic copy of this treaty of Pilnitz, not only supported by no evidence, but carrying, in its intrinsic absurdity, the clearest proofs that it was a forgery. Another fabrication of the same kind was also published as a state paper, and long referred to under the title of the treaty of Pavia. These forgeries are very fully and ably exposed in the anti-jacobin newspaper, by a writer under the signature of DETECTOR.

chief now

ties dis

tions

CHAP. action: Leopold, publishing this engagement, disavowedhostile intentions towards France.

XLIX.

1792.

The French king notifies to fo

reign princes his accep

tance of the new constitution.

Answers

of the dif

ers.

Circular

emperor.

In the month of September a notification was sent by the French king to all the crowned heads in Europe, that he had accepted the new constitution. Britain sent a very friendly answer: in his reply, Leopold expressed his hopes that this measure might promote the general welfare, remove the fears for the common cause of sovereigns, and prevent the necessity of employing serious precautions against the renewal of licentiousness. The answers of some of the other powers expressed their diserent pow- belief of the king's freedom, and therefore forbore any opinion concerning the notification; but the greater numnote of the ber sent friendly replies." In November the emperor sent a note to the different powers of Europe, declaring that he considered the French king as free, and the prevailing party to be disposed to moderate counsels, from which his majesty augured the probable establishment of a regular and just government, and the continuance of tranquillity. But lest the licentious disorders should be renewed, the emperor thought the other powers should hold themselves in a state of observation, and cause to be declared by their respective ministers at Paris, that they would always be ready to support in concert, on the first emergency, the rights of the king and the French monarchy. About the end of November his imperial majesty wrote a note to the king of France, declaring that he had no intention to interfere with the affairs of his kingdom as long as the French should leave to their king all the powers which they had voluntarily stipulated, and those which he had voluntarily accepted, in the new constitutional contract. Leopold, indeed, manifested in every part of his proceedings a disposition to maintain peace with the French nation. He discouraged the emigrants from assembling within his territories to concert projects inimical to the revolutionary government. This conduct was by no means agreeable to the French princes, who strongly expostulated with him on the measures which

d See in State Papers of October and November 1791, the respective、 e State Papers, November 19th, 1791.

answers.

f This declaration certainly was an interference, as it prescribed bounds be yond which they were not to go in the arrangement of their own affairs.

XLIX.

he was pursuing. The king of Sweden and the empress CHAP. of Russia strenuously urged both the German potentates to active hostilities, but without effect: and long after the meeting of Pilnitz, the princes who conferred proved Sweden themselves inclined to peace.

1792.

and Russia

urge the

powers to

MEANWHILE the second national assembly met in German October 1791: having sworn to maintain the constitution active hostilities, but of the kingdom decreed by the constituent assembly, they without immediately exhibited a specimen of their legislative jus- effect. tice by passing a law to rob the pope of the territory of ings in Avignon, which had been ceded to that prince by the most Meeting of

Proceed

France.

solemn treaties. This act was a farther illustration of the the second national as

h

ceive inter

tion a rea

son for

the law of

principle already exemplified by the revolutionists in their sembly. aggressions on the German sovereigns, that because France They conhad made a change in her internal constitution, she was nal revolualso to alter the law of nations according to her convenience or pleasure, and to violate the rights of independent changing states. Their next project of rapacious injustice was nations. against the bishopric of Basle. Thither they sent commissioners to settle certain differences which they pretended to have arisen amongst the inhabitants, and between Avignon and Carpentras. They began the system of their Seizure of operations by instituting a club, and gaining partisans Avignon. among the people: after massacring the most peaceable and respectable inhabitants, they compelled the remainder to meet, and vote their union with the kingdom of France. The French royalists were forming an army Operations under the prince of Condé ; and, from the continued junc- French tion of the nobles and their adherents, they were become exiles at very numerous. On the 14th of October the assembly decreed, that emigrants thus collected should be from that time considered as traitors against their country; and that, from the 1st of January 1792, such as should be known to be assembled should be punished with death; that all the French princes and public functionaries who should

g The marquis de Bouillé, who was in the confidence of the king of Sweden, quotes several letters which prove Gustavus to have been very anxious to take an active part in the restoration of monarchy; but the zeal of Catharine, he says, never extended beyond professions. Page 457.

h See French Journals of the proceedings of the assembly, which the English reader will find with considerable accuracy, in the Gentleman's Magazine, and the historical substance in the Annual Registers; but in fuller and more minute detail in the Moniteurs.

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Coblentz.

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