and the first Civil and Military Offices. is it not a fault that you have omitted on so fair an Occasion to mention this Attempt in the severe Terms it deserves? You are certainly mistaken, if popularity is not your Mistress. You enjoy it as much as any Man should do. it is enough to recommend anything here to say it is Mr. Adams' Opinion. I feel the Influence of it myself, and often see it with pleasure in others. I have just heard that you Intend to come Home this Summer. We will be glad to see you and will show you that you are mistaken; but I will not Insure you that it will last, but I think your Book will not make you Unpopular.

it is true that some Persons have proposed in County Conventions to annihilate the Senate. But this Sentiment (if adopted by any of them) does not seem to prevail. The Truth of the Matter is, the People resemble a Child, who feels hurt and uneasy, and quarrels with every thing about him. They have fallen upon this Branch of the Legislature indiscriminately with other parts of the Constitution as they occurred to their Minds. What I mean is, that there is no particular System among them. I will not however undertake to say that there will not be some fatal Change before long. Such is the Situation of things here that no Man can calculate the Events of the present Year.

It is very true that Government has been roused from a profound Sleep, but they waked with that peevish disposition which is common to the Interruption of sweet Sleep and pleasing Dreams. Measures were taken accordingly. The People were Irritated, not softened and conciliated. The Rebels were dispersed, but not subdued, and for fear that Capt. Shays should destroy the Constitution they violated it themselves. After all the Apparatus of the Suspension of the Habeas Corpus, prosecutions of some miserable Scribblers, Declarations of Rebellion, Acts of disqualifications, etc., etc., it is said the Rebels are again mustering in force. it is certain a General discontent and disapprobation prevails in the Country, and has shewn itself in the late Elections. Mr. H[ancock] is undoubtedly chose the first Magistrate. I do not regret the change so much as I once should, tho' I am sorry for it. if I used to dispise the Administration of H., I am disappointed in

that of B[owdoin]. Every Phylosopher is not a Politician. The surrounding solid orb in the Heavens may restore the scattered rays of Light to the Sun and prevent the waste of that Body by an endless diffusion. But no Government can be supported but on its own Principles.

Mr. Cushing and General Lincoln were chiefly voted for as the second Magistrate, but I suppose neither of them Chose by the People. The Senators are generally Changed. even the good and Inoffensive Mr. Cranch is left out - I Imagine because he was of the Court of Common Pleas. our old Friend Mr. A[dams], however, is rechosen, tho' he seems to have forsaken all his old principles and professions and to have become the most arbitrary and despotic Man in the Commonwealth. There is an Appearance of as general a Change in the House. In this Universal Concussion, this rage of Innovation, the Town of Milton have honoured me with an Election to represent them. The dread of reviving the Clamour of refusing everything, joined with the Idea of its being the Duty of every Man to go upon Deck when called upon in a Storm, has Induced me to accept. to forsake the peaceful and retired walks of Agriculture and again embark on a Tumultuous Ocean of Politics, while I feel myself embarrassed at a loss what Measures should be adopted in our present Situation, and for the Peace of Jerusalem. I frequently recollect your Observation, that you and I have not had an easy Task in Life hitherto.

I am embarked, I must act. you know I have no Cunning or Time serving Talents. I shall satisfy my own Conscience and Judgment. I hope to satisfy all the reasonable Expectations of Good Men from my public Conduct, if any are formed, and leave the rest.

Mrs. Warren and the rest of my Family join me in very affectionate regards and respect for yours. I am with great Esteem your sincere Friend and Humble Servt.

J. WARREN

P

HENRY KNOX TO MERCY WARREN

NEW-YORK, 30th May, 1787

MADAM,- Having but just returned from Philadelphia, it was only yesterday I had the honor to receive your favor of the 2d instant.

Respecting politicks, as you have given me the opportunity, I shall take the liberty of indulging confidentially a few reflections, relying on your goodness for an excuse if any sentiment should escape, which in appearance should seem to be contrary to our former opinions.

When I survey the animal Man, analyze his passions, and investigate his views; Take a retrospect of his progressions through the various stages of society, and his blind impulses to pursue the present enjoyment to the exclusion of future good, I tremble at the present awful crisis. I arrange in my imagination two or three hundred millions of our posterity, with their eyes fixed on our conduct, ready to applaud our wisdom, or to execrate our folly; I long for that degree of intuition which belongs to a higher race than man, in order to exhibit strongly to the view of my countrymen the effects which will flow from the causes established at the present moment, whether arising from design or accident.

That our system operates badly indeed, no person who knows the discontents, which pervade the United States will deny. Not only a ruined commerce, but such destruction of moral principle as must alarm every upright, and intelligent lover of his country. Anarchy with its horrid train of miseries seem ready to overwhelm this region marked by nature for happiness. Were we to examine our political systems without prejudice, perhaps we shall there find the source of all the evils of which we complain, and of all those which we apprehend.

Our respectable and enlightened friend Mr. Adams's Book will be the surest basis of his reputation. It is true he has been a little unfortunate in his title. It is not a defence of the constitutions of the United States, it is rather a sarcasm on them. But it should have been entitled "The Soul of a free government." But still it

will be the means of great good. It is a word spoken in season. He clearly points out one of the capital causes of our misery and prostrate character- the will, the caprice the headlong conduct, of a government without strong checks by different branches, or a division of power by a balance, A mad democracy sweeps away every moral and divine trait from the human character. Hence it is that reason Law, and patriotism is banished from almost every Legislature. Private convenience, paper money, and ex post facto Laws, are the main springs of the American governments.

In addition to these local evils all national character, and interests are lost by the monsterous system of State governments; which from their construction, compared with the general government, must necessarily produce the effects which we experience of overturning even almost the appearance of a general government. Granted says candor, but the remedy? pardon me, the convention is sitting and shall one of the cincinnati presume to give

his opinion?

I confess however, that my only hope of human assistance is founded on the convention. Should they possess the hardihood to be unpopular, and propose an efficient National government, free from the entanglements of the present defective state systems we may yet be a happy and great nation. But I have no expectations if their propositions should be truly wise, that they will be immediately accepted. I should rather suppose that they would be ridiculed in the same as was the ark of old, while building by Noah. But if human nature be influenced by invariable principles, we are on the eve of political storms.

If the convention should propose to erect a temple to liberty on the solid, and durable foundation of Law and Justice, all men of principle in the first instance will embrace the proposal. Demagogues and vicious characters will oppose for a while. But reason will at length triumph. But should the convention be desirous of acquiring present popularity; should they possess local and not general views; should they propose a patch work to the present wretchedly defective thing called the Confederation, look out ye patriots, supplicate Heaven! for you will have need of its protection!

Seperate Anarchies will take place. Hostile conflicts will happen, and in proportion to their number, and duration, will be the strength of the tyrany which will be established on the issue. The party triumphant, will never submit its actions to the decisions of a free legislature-no- The tyrants will direct. If they call an assembly of the people, it will be for the purpose, of devising ways and means of raising more money, like the notables in France.

But say you, all this may appear true to a man of warm imagination, but still a distant glimpse has not been given of the government of Laws, of the paradise of humanity. True, madam. I should be first happy to hear your opinion on the subject. do you remember the idea which you once whispered to me at Mr. Russell's? I like the principle to be established hereafter. But I wish at present to try the experiment of a strong national republic. The state governments should be deprived of the power of injuring themselves or the Nation. The people have parted with power enough to form an excellent constitution; But it is incorp[ora]ted and diffused among bodies which cannot use it to good purpose. It must be concentered in a national government, the power of which should be divided between a strong executive, a senate, and assembly. The powers which each should have, would be a subject of nice discussion and much detail. The time of the executive, and senate should be such as to give stability to the system. The Assembly to be for one two or at most three years. A Judicial to be formed on the highest principles of Independency. This government should possess every power necessary for national purposes which would leave the state governments but very little. But every power should be defined with accuracy, and checked according to the highest human wisdom. an attempt to overleap the bounds of the constitution by those who are in the execution of it, should be certainly and severely punished.

Thus, madam, I have hastily confided to your liberality my sentiments of our present critical situation, and stated the mildest remedy that the case will admit. To attempt less will I am apprehensive precipitate us into the gulph of seperate anarchies, on the issue of which we may see established seperate tyrannies. The