rally to the usual charities; in short, to be on an equality with the other bishops in London, and at the head of the gentry in the country, they would give him £4,000 or £5,000 a year. Could not that sum of money be expended in a manner much more conducive to the interests of the Church of England in Cornwall? He believed it could. He found from the returns of the Ecclesiastical Commissioners, that of six hundred and ten benefices in the diocese of Exeter, in one hundred and fifty-seven the incomes of the clergy were under £150 a year; in one hundred and sixteen the incomes were less than £130 a year; in fifty-seven the incomes were under £100 a year. He had calculated that the sum which would be required to raise the incomes of all the benefices in the diocese of Exeter to £150 a year would be about £7,000 a year, or about the cost of a bishop and a half; to raise all the incomes to £130 a year, the sum of £4,000 a year would be required, or about the cost of a bishop; and for the sum of £1,500 a year, or about the third of the cost of a bishop, the minimum income of the clergy of the diocese of Exeter might be raised to £100 a year. Again: if they appointed a Bishop of Bodmin, they would have to provide a residence for him. There was none for him at Bodmin, or in the neighbourhood. They would have to build one for him; what would it cost? The sum of £16,000 has already been expended upon a residence for the new Bishop of Ripon. Suppose that not more would be required for the new Bishop of Bodmin, he asked whether it would not be better to expend this sum of money upon building glebe-houses in Cornwall? For that sum some thirty or forty comfortable houses for small livings might be built. He knew many parishes in Cornwall where glebehouses were much wanted. He found from the returns to which he had referred, that in the diocese of Exeter there were one hundred and twelve parishes in which there were no glebe-houses whatever, and seventy three parishes in which the glebe-houses were unfit for use: in all there were one hundred and eighty-five parishes, or one third of the parishes in the diocese of Exeter, without parsonages in which clergymen could reside. He entreated the house, as guardians of the Church of England, not to entertain for one moment the notion of endowing so useless a bishop as that of Bodmin, until the condition of the parochial clergy be improved in the diocese of Exeter. For the reasons which he had stated, he should continue to offer his most determined opposition to the establishment of additional bishops for Manchester, Cornwall, and elsewhere; and by so doing he believed that he should prove himself to be a good friend to the Church of England."

If such facts as these do not open the eyes of the English Nation, their blindness is incurable. If reform is to come at all, it must come from without; it will never come from within the Church, that is, from the Bishops, or dignified Clergy. He who does little, would prefer doing less! He who does least, would prefer doing nothing! He who has much would have more! He who has £10,000, longs for £20,000! This, how contemptible soever, is human nature. It is with

emoluments as with sinecures and pluralities. Even Lord John Russell, referring, in the debate, to former discussions, said, "I remember myself looking over the Clergy List, and there finding fifteen persons holding sixty-four pieces of Church preferment." This speaks pretty freely for clerical conscience! But Lord John made another statement, for which we are not a little thankful. In the article in the CHRISTIAN WITNESS, "It is time to thresh her,' we stated that the real revenues of the Church were vastly greater than the clergy returns represented them, and declared we had no confidence whatever in the representations which had been made by them upon the subject; and that the value of Church property, so called, in other hands, might be prodigiously augmented. For that article Churchmen have sorely abused us, both by speech and in print; but abuse is not refutation. Take an example to

the point. His Lordship, speaking of

the revenues of certain offices which had been abolished, said, "The value of all these ecclesiastical offices, according to the computation at the time of their suppression, amounted to £134,000 a year. That is to say, without robbing any man of that which he had by law, but calculating what would be the value when taken possession of by the Ecclesiastical Commissioners, the property amounted in 1840 to £134,000 a year; but the present computation is, that, from the better management of the property, the amount that will be realised by the Commissioners will not be less than three hundred thousand pounds a year."

What will the accusers of the CHRISTIAN WITNESS now say to the Prime Minister? He has at once illustrated our position and proved our case. What must have been the character of a management which, by a slight improvement, raised £134,000 to £300,000 per annum !

English Churchmen, the case is now before you. We speak as to the wisest, the most reflective, and the most practical nation on the face of the earth, and invoke your attention to this great question. In spite of the Prince of darkness, light is spreading, and will spread. This day, July 28, we read, with no small satisfaction, even in the great organ of the Church and the Aristocracy, the confession that, in 1834, of the 10,719 benefices, the revenues of 4,883 were actually under £200 per annum !-that the revenues of 1629 were under £100!-that a

multitude of no fewer than 4,224 curates were employed by non-resident clergy! —and that the average stipend of these 4,224 curates was £81 per annum !

It is impossible that this system of indescribable monstrosity can last an hour longer, after the national mind becomes duly alive to its real character. Among the few awakened Churchmen was the late Dr. Arnold, of blessed memory; no ecclesiastic was more thoroughly conversant with the injustice of its working, and the depth of its corruption. Much he said, and much he wrote, upon this matter; but the substance may be given in a sentence from page 317, vol. i. of his Life, which runs thus:

"THE CHURCH, AS IT NOW STANDS, NO

HUMAN POWER CAN SAVE."

Fixing our eye on the immutable principles of eternal truth, we are not to be moved by specious appearances. Government may manufacture Bishops by the dozen and the score, and these Bishops may build edifices by tens, by fifties, and by hundreds; they only expand, they do

not strengthen the fabric. It is founded on the sands, and the moment an enlightened people shall begin to blow upon it, it will totter, fall, and become a ruin. Sagacious Churchmen see the storm, which, we rejoice to reflect, we have been permitted, however humbly, to share in raising. As a fair example, in addition to the fore-cited words of Sir James Graham, we may give the following from the last Number of the Church of England Quarterly Review, which is compelled by truth to concede that there is

"A GROWING DISINCLINATION ON THE PART OF THE FEOPLE TO PLACE THEMSELVES WITHIN ITS PALE, AND AN UNDERCURRENT OF COUNTERACTIONS, WHICH NOT ONLY WEAKENS ITS INFLUENCE, BUT, GRADUALLY SAPPING THE FOUNDATION, MUST ULTIMATELY DESTROY THE FABRIC ITSELF."

Heaven prosper the enterprize, and speedily fulfil the prophecy! And let every friend of England and Christianity say, AMEN!

PRESS.

"In America there is scarcely a hamlet which has not its own newspaper. Its influence in America is immense. It is the power which impels the circulation of political life through all the districts of that vast territory. It rallies the interests of the community round certain principles. When a great number of the organs of the Press adopt the same line of conduct, their influence becomes irresistible; and public opinion, when it is perpetually assailed from the same side, eventually yields to the attack.Tocqueville.

Ar no previous election of Members to Parliament has the subject of Nonconformity ever engaged so large a portion of public attention; and never before was there, in the House of Commons, so large a number of members possessing a competent acquaintance with its principles. There is ground, therefore, to hope that, in future, when subjects affecting our principles come on for discussion in the Senate, we shall have at least the consolation of knowing that those principles have had the benefit of a fair, full, and fearless utterance; so that if henceforth Cabinets and Statesmen shall still remain in ignorance, it will be in spite of instruction by competent masters. But

amid the gratulations of the present, we must not neglect the interests of the future; therefore, leaving the Senate, let us turn to the Nations. Our rulers have recently told us much of the necessity of instruction to the People, that they may be brought to discharge their duties; but very little has been said of their rights -things which are nevertheless inseparable both in reason and in revelation. Many of our readers will remember the celebrated declaration of an eminent statesman, viz., that "the battle of the Constitution is to be fought in the Registration Courts." The oracle was believed; the response acted upon; and the result has already become history. This counsel ought not to be lost on Christian patriots; but there is a previous inquiry relating to those who are to fight that battle. Is it necessary that these suffragan warriors should know what the "Constitution" is? what are the rights with which it clothes, and what the duties which it exacts of them? That the vote may be rational, must it not be intelligent? That it may be intelligent, must it not be preceded by instruction? But this is not the only, nor the chief battle that is to be fought in these Courts. The battle of Religious

Liberty, the battle of State-Churchism, is to be fought there! The subject of the right use of the Franchise is one of vast magnitude and great complexity. The principal thing at this moment wanted, is, not so much a more extended franchise as a more extended intelligence, a general and more unbending integrity. The present franchise might be made to work wonders of reformation in the hands of wise and worthy men. As matters now stand, that great constitutional power has, to a vast extent, hitherto lain dormant. In many cases the number that wholly neglect the franchise actually form the majority of a constituency! Again, in the case of multitudes, it is exercised thoughtlessly, wantonly, capriciously, and in too many instances, corruptly. These are facts as indisputable as they are lamentable. How, then, is this sore evil to be corrected? How, but by instruction, by enlightening the understanding, and by awakening the conscience? Well, granting this, how is that instruction to be communicated? In divers ways, but very mainly by the Newspaper Press. That Press, where corrupt, must be purified; where weak, invigorated; where unsuitable, adapted; where too costly, reduced, and applied to the universal People. The highest lessons of political science, comprising both rights and duties -rights as the condition of duties-must be brought within the easy reach of the mass of the mighty fellowship of "Ten Pound Householders," throughout the three kingdoms. Hitherto little, very little, almost nothing, has been done to accomplish this paramount object, to realize which will be the work of many minds and many hands. Anxious to contribute our mite, however small, to this great enterprise of piety and patriotism, we have determined, with all deference, to lay before the minds of our fellowcountrymen such plans as have been suggested by observation, inquiry, and reflection; but preparatory to their development, we shall first make a brief survey of the present condition of the Press throughout Great Britain and Ireland, on the present occasion limiting ourselves to Scotland.

In discoursing of the Scottish Press we shall begin with Aberdeen, the capital of the North, which has the following papers: 1747. 4 d. Conserv.

Journal

The whole of these are publications of superior merit. The Journal adheres to the Established Church; the Banner to the Free Church; the Herald to no church exclusively, but argues for religious freedom and equality among all sects and parties. The wisdom of the Herald would be, increasing its issues to twice, or three times a week, to advance boldly in the path of aggression; and for Dissenters, of all classes, to unite and rally for its most extended circulation. A more intelligent and spirited population are nowhere to be found than that of Aberdeenshire. No place in Scotland performed its part more gloriously in the case of the disruption of the Establishment; it presents a noble cluster of Free Churches; and were the Banner to commence à steady warfare against the Established Church, we feel confident not only that Free Churchmen generally, but that the Aberdeen public in general, would coṛdially approve and promptly co-operate. The above dates will show how very slowly the principle of the Periodical Press began to develop itself in Aberdeen, and how imperfect still that development is, will plainly appear when it is stated that the Family Journal is published only on alternate weeks, and all the others but weekly. A city which is a Capital, and boasts a famous University, with a large trade and a numerous population, ought to have one or more daily papers, liberal, intelligent, powerful, and cheap. This is indispensable to the general interests of that important region. The other papers of the district are the following:

Inverness Courier.
Inverness Journal.
John o'Groat Journal 1836. 44d. Liberal.

Here, then, we have eight Liberal, three Conservative, and only one Neutral, while the bulk of the Liberals are of modern establishment, indicating the progress of opinion. Upon the whole, therefore, it fares well, there, with Civil Liberty; as to Religion, the Conservatives, of course, are all Church and State men, and the bulk even of the Liberals

lean in that direction. The Montrose Review, long celebrated for its ability and spirit, goes for the independence of the Church on the State, but not for the separation.

Such, then, is the position of the question of Nonconformity throughout that vast region. It is not to be expected that any one of those papers, dependent on a local population for support, should dare to advocate the separation of the Church from the State; for, how able soever, this would involve their immediate extinction. But one such paper for the whole district, published in Aberdeen, conducted with ability, might not only live, but greatly thrive, and tower far above all its compeers. The various bodies of Dissenters and Free Churchmen alone could carry this point to certain triumph. Other things being equal, they ought, to a man, to give the preference to such a Journal, and use every effort for its diffusion. Why should not the Aberdeen Herald make a vigorous effort in this direction, and the leading men of all religious communities co-operate for the accomplishment of the object?

We shall now proceed to the opposite side of Scotland, and inquire into the condition of the Glasgow Press, which will appear from the following table:

Out

This table forms a curious index to the progress of opinion in the West of Scotland. The two eldest are Tory; and, with a single exception, all that have since been established are Liberal. of thirteen journals, ten have arisen since 1830. These facts speak well for the prospects of mankind; but even in the Glasgow Press one thing is wanting—a proportionate, clear, and powerful exhibition of Nonconformist principles. It is not a little remarkable that in a region where Dissent is so strong, so enlightened, and so distinguished for its AntiState-Church spirit, there should not be at least one journal standing forth as its

type and organ. This is a want much to be regretted, and which cannot be too quickly supplied. Under the circumstances, it is not at all to be wondered at that, at the recent Elections, the Voluntary Electors found themselves in such a predicament. Their condition was simply the result of their conduct. If it would be unsafe for any one paper to hoist the flag of pure and thorough Nonconformity, with its present supporters, then let the Nonconformists at large, throughout the West of Scotland, take the matter in hand, making proper terms to some existing journal, or creating one for themselves. The embodied Press is the great institute for the political instruction of the country; and so far as ecclesiastical matters lie within the province of politics, they ought to be freely, fearlessly discussed. Never otherwise will the priestly chains which now load the necks of the people of these realms be snapped asunder. To the above we shall now add the journals of the district:

The aggregate power of the Edinburgh Press is not by any means equal to that of Glasgow. Five are Liberal, two Conservative, and three Neutral. The united weekly issues of the Liberal are eight, Conservative, three, Neutral, two; the Liberal, therefore, even as to issue, are equal to both the other; but as to amount of circulation immensely greater, and in respect to literary and intellectual power there is no comparison. The Liberal

Journals, as a whole, are conducted with the first ability. But with respect to Nonconformity, its principal succour lies with the Weekly Chronicle and the Scotsman, who have established strong claims on the gratitude of the friends of light, truth, justice, freedom, and equality. But here, as well as in Glasgow, more prominence is required for the advocacy of the principle of religious freedom and equality. We have seen it intimated that there is about to be started a Scottish Dissenting Journal-an intimation which has greatly gratified us. Let it be in very deed a paper not for a section, but for the entire body of Scottish Dissenters, and we doubt not it will become the journal not of a locality, but of a nation.

We next proceed to the remainder of the Provincial Press, conveniently grouped with Edinburgh, which is as follows:

Here are Liberals, ten; Conservatives, Seven; Neutral, one. The preponderance of talent on the part of the Liberals is in a proportion immensely greater. We have occasionally read in the Border Watch (a Neutral) and in the Kelso Mail articles for intelligence, splendour, and force, not inferior to the very best effusions of the London Times. The Northern Warder is also occasionally marked by uncommon excellence. As a whole, however, we must look to other agencies to sow broadcast the seeds of true Nonconformity in those extensive regions-to the Metropolitan Journals, the Nonconformist Magazines, the Anti-State-Church Tracts and Lectures.

Such, then, is the condition of the Scottish Press, which certainly supplies no small ground both of gratification and

of hope to the patriotic citizen. There is also not a little in which the enlightened Christian may rejoice. The Scottish Press, speaking generally, is eminently pure in spirit, while it abounds with excellent matter, for the most part ably reasoned, and frequently clothed with an eloquence which would charm a senate. The state of a nation's Press may be taken as the sure type of its moral and intellectual condition. The Scotch Press is adapted to the intellectual and social condition of the Scotch People. They have made their Press, which, with power ceaseless and irresistible, is re-acting on the minds, hearts, and habits of its creators. Its growth strikingly indicates the growth of wealth, numbers, and civilization in Scotland. It will be seen that the bulk of the Scottish Journals have actually been established in the course of the present century, and the larger portion of them since the passing of the Reform Bill. Previous to this, Scotland was but one huge rotten burgh; and the people having no franchise, had but small inducement to concern themselves about the rights of citizenship; it became them to bring down their lofty minds to their debased situation, and that they might maintain their equanimity, to forget their thraldom. Things are changed, and what is now required, is, the full noon-tide light of Scripture truth; but wisdom dwells with prudence. While sincerely rejoicing in the rapid expansion of the Scottish Press, we must observe that multiplication has limits, which it cannot pass without injury to its own object. It is a sad error to multiply at the expense of further enfeebling what is already weak. A small number of journals so amply supported as to supply the means of commanding first-rate literary power, will effect infinitely more good than a countless brood of starvelings. One Times, with its thunder-blast, does more to awake the nations and to move mankind than the mingled cry of the minikin mouths of a million fribblers. It will therefore be the wisdom of Scotland to set great store by her existing Liberal Press, and strengthen it by every means. All that seems wanted is, to bring three of the best of them-one in Edinburgh, one in Glasgow, and another in Aberdeen-up to the mark of a full-orbed Nonconformity, and lead them on to a scriptural war against all Ecclesiastical Establishments. Should this be found impracticable, then it will become a duty to adopt immediate measures for the establishment of new