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perfection of our conftitution confifts in this, that the monarchical, ariftocratical, and democratical form of government, are mixt and interwoven in ours, fo as to give us all the advantages of each, without fubjecting us to the dangers and inconveniencies of either. The democratical form of government, which is the only one I have now occafion to take notice of, is liable to thefe inconveniencies;-that they are generally too tedious in their coming to any refolution, and feldom brifk and expeditious enough in carrying their refolutions into execution: that they are always wavering in their refolutions, and never fteady in any of the measures they refolve to purfue; and that they are often involved in factions, feditions, and infurrections, which expofes them to be made the tools, if not the prey, of their neighbours: therefore, in all regulations we make with refpect to our conftitution, we are to guard against running too much into that form of government, which is properly called de mocratical; this was, in my opinion, the effect of the triennial law, and will again be the effect, if ever it should be reftored.

That triennial elections would make our government too tedious in all their refolves, is evident; because, in fuch cafe, no prudent adminiftration would ever refolve upon any measure of confequence, till they had felt not only the pulfe of the parliament, but the pulfe of the people; and the minifters of ftate would always labour under this difadvantage, that, as fecrets of ftate muft not be immediately divulged, their enemies (and enemies they will always have) would have a handle for expofing their measures, and rendering them difagreeable to the people, and thereby carrying perhaps a new election against them, before they could have an opportunity of juftifying their meafures, by divulging thofe facts and circumstances, from whence the juftice and the wifdom of their meafures would clearly

appear.

Then, Sir, it is by experience well known, that what is called the populace of every country are apt to be too much elated with fuccefs, and too much

dejected with every misfortune this makes them wavering in their opinions about affairs of ftate, and never long of the fame mind; and as this house is chofen by the free and unbiassed voice of the people in general, if this choice were fo often renewed, we might expect that this houfe would be as wavering, and as unfteady, as the people ufually are: and it being impoffible to carry on the public affairs of the nation without the concurrence of this houfe, the minifters would always be obliged to comply, and confequently would be obliged to change their meafures, as often as the people changed their minds.

With feptennial parliaments, Sir, we are not expofed to either of these misfortunes, because, if the minifters, after having felt the pulfe of the parliament, which they can always foon do, refolve upon any measures, they have generally time enough, before the new elections come on, to give the people a proper information, in order to fhew them the juftice and the wifdom of the measures they have purfued; and if the people should at any time be too much elated, or too much dejected, or should without a caufe change their minds, thofe at the helm of affairs have time to fet them right before a new election comes on.

As to faction and fedition, Sir, I will grant, that, in monarchical and ariftocratical governments, it generally arifes from violence and oppreffion; but, in democratical governments, it always arifes from the people's having too great a fhare in the government. For in all countries, and in all governments, there always will be many factious and unquiet fpirits, who can never be at reft either in power or out of power; when in power, they are never easy, unless every man fubmits entirely to their direction; and when out of power, they are always working and intriguing against thofe that are in, without any regard to juftice, or to the interest of their country, In popular governments fuch men have too much game, they have too many opportunities for working upon and corrupting the minds of the people, in order to give them a bad impreffion of, and to raise difcontents

against,

againft, thofe that have the management of the public affairs for the time; and these discontents often break out into feditions and infurrections. This, Sir, would in my opinion be our misfortune, if our parliaments were either annual or triennial: by fuch frequent elections there would be fo much power thrown into the hands of the people, as would deftroy that equal mixture which is the beauty of our conftitution in fhort, our government would really become a democratical government, and might from thence very probably diverge into a tyrannical. Therefore, in order to preferve our conftitution, in order to prevent our falling under tyranny and arbitrary power, we ought to preferve that law, which I really think has brought our conftitution to a more equal mixture, and confequently to a greater perfection, than it was ever in before that Îaw took place.

As to bribery and corruption, Sir, if it were poffible to influence, by fuch bafe means, the majority of the electors of Great Britain to chufe fuch men as would probably give up their liberties: if it were poffible to influence, by fuch means, a majority of the members of this houfe to confent to the establishment of arbitrary power, I would readily allow, that the calculations made by the gentlemen of the other fide were juft, and their inference true; but I am perfuaded that neither of thefe is poffible. As the members of this houfe generally are, and must always be, gentlemen of fortune and figure in their country, is it poffible to fuppofe, that any one of them could, by a penfion, or a poft, be influenced to confent to the overthrow of our conftitution; by which the enjoyment, not only of what he got, but of what he before had, would be rendered altogether precarious? I will allow, Sir, that, with refpect to bribery, the price must be higher or lower, generally in proportion to the virtue of the man who is to be bribed; but it must likewife be granted, that the humour he happens to be in at the time, the fpirit he happens to be endowed with, adds a great deal to his virtue. When no encroachments are made upon the rights of the people,

when the people do not think themfelves in any danger, there may be many of the electors who, by a bribe of ten guineas, might be induced to vote for one candidate rather than another; but if the court were making any encroachments upon the rights of the people, a proper fpirit would, without doubt, arife in the nation; and in fuch a cafe, I am perfuaded, that none, or very few, even of fuch electors, could be induced to vote for a court candidate; no, not for ten times the fum.

There may, Sir, be fome bribery and corruption in the nation; I am afraid there will always be fome; but it is no proof of it, that ftrangers are fometimes chofen; for a gentleman may have fo much natural influence over a borough in his neighbourhood, as to be able to prevail with them to chufe any personhe pleafes to recommend; and if upon fuch recommendation they chufe one or two of his friends, who are perhaps ftrangers to them, it is not from thence to be inferred, that the two ftrangers were chofen their reprefentatives by the means of bribery and corruption.

To infinuate, Sir, that money may be iffued from the public treasury for bribing elections, is really fomething very extraordinary, efpecially in thofe gentlemen who know how many checks are upon every fhilling that can be iffued from thence; and how regularly the money granted in one year for the public fervice of the nation, must always be accounted for the very next feffion, in this houfe, and likewife in the other, if they have a mind to call for any fuch account. And as to the gentlemen in offices, if they have any advantage over country gentlemen, in having fomething elfe to depend on befides their own private fortunes, they have likewife many difadvantages: they are obliged to live here at London with their families, by which they are put to a much greater expence than gentlemen of equal fortunes who live in the country this lays them under a very great difadvantage, with refpect to the fupporting their intereft in the country. The country gentleman, by living among the electors, and purchafing the neceffaries for his family from them,

keeps

keeps up an acquaintance and correfpondence with them, without putting himself to any extraordinary charge; whereas a gentleman who lives in London has no other way of keeping up an acquaintance or correfpondence among his friends in the country, but by going down once or twice a year, at a very extraordinary charge, and often without any other bufinefs: fo that we may conclude, a gentleman in office cannot, even in feven years, fave much for diftributing in ready money, at the time of an election; and I really believe, if the fact were narrowly enquired into, it would appear, that the gentlement in office are as little guilty of bribing their electors with ready money, as any other fet of gentlemen in the kingdom.

That there are ferments often raising among the people without any just caufe, is what I am furprised to hear controverted, fince very late experience may convince us of the contrary. Do not we know what a ferment was raifed in the nation towards the latter end of the late queen's reign? And it is well known what a fatal change in the affairs of this nation was introduced, or at least confirmed, by an election's coming on while the nation was in that ferment. Do not we know what a ferment was raised in the nation foon after his late majefty's acceffion? And if an election had then been allowed to come on, while the nation was in that ferment, it might perhaps have had as fatal effects as the former; but, thank God, this was wifely provided again ft by the very law which is now wanted to be repealed.

As fuch ferments may hereafter often happen, I must think that frequent elections will always be dangerous; for which reafon, as far as I can fee at prefent, I fhall, I believe, at all times, think it a very dangerous experiment to repeal the feptennial bill.

§ 82. Lord LYTTELTON's Speech on the Repeal of the Act called the Jew Bill, in the Year 1753.

Mr. Speaker,

I fee no occafion to enter at present into the merits of the bill we paffed the

laft feffion, for the naturalization of Jews, because I am convinced, that in the prefent temper of the nation, not a fingle foreign Jew will think it expedient to take the benefit of that act; and therefore the repealing of it is giv ing up nothing. I affented to it laft year, in hopes it might induce fome wealthy Jews to come and fettle among us in that light I faw enough of utility in it, to make me incline rather to approve than diflike it; but that any man alive could be zealous, either for or against it, I confefs I had no idea. What affects our religion is indeed of the higheft and moft ferious importance: God forbid we fhould ever be indifferent about that! but I thought this had no more to do with religion, than any turnpike-act we paffed in that seffion; and, after all the divinity that has been preached on the fubject, I think fo ftill.

Refolution and fteadiness are excellent qualities; but, it is the application of them upon which their value depends. A wife government, Mr. Speaker, will know where to yield, as well as where to refift: and there is no furer mark of littleness of mind in an adminiftration, than obftinacy in trifles. Public wifdom on fome occafions must condefcend to give way to popular folly, especially in a free country, where the humour of the people must be confidered as attentively as the humour of a king in an abfolute monarchy. Under both forms of government, a prudent and honeft miniftry will indulge a small folly, and will refift a great one. Not to vouchsafe now and then a kind indulgence to the former, would difcover an ignorance in human nature: not to resist the latter at all times would be meannefs and fervility.

Sir, I look on the bill we are at prefent debating, not as a facrifice made to popularity (for it facrifices nothing) but as a prudent regard to fome confequences arifing from the nature of the clamour raifed against the late aft for naturalizing Jews, which feem to require a particular confideration.

It has been hitherto the rare and envied felicity of his majefty's reign, that

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his fubjects have enjoyed fuch a fettled tranquillity, fuch a freedom from angry religious difputes, as is not to be paralleled in any former times. The true Chriftian fpirit of moderation, of charity, of univerfal benevolence, has prevailed in the people, has prevailed in the clergy of all ranks and degrees, infead of thofe narrow principles, thofe bigoted pleasures, that furious, that implacable, that ignorant zeal, which had often done fo much hurt both to the church and the ftate, But from the ill-understood, infignificant act of parliament you are now moved to repeal, occafion has been taken to deprive us of this ineftimable advantage. It is a pretence to difturb the peace of the church, to infufe idle fear into the minds of the people, and make religion itfelf an engine of fedition. It behoves the piety, as well as the wisdom of parliament, to difappoint thofe endeavours. Sir, the very worft mischief that can be done to religion, is to pervert it to the purposes of faction. Heaven and hell are not more diftant than the benevolent fpirit of the Gofpel, and the malignant fpirit of party. The most impious wars ever made were thofe called holy wars. He who hates another man for not being a Chriftian, is himself not a Chriftian. Chriftianity, Sir, breathes love, and peace, and goodwill to man. A temper conformable to the dictates of that holy religion has lately diftinguished this nation; and a glorious diftinction it was! But there is latent, at all times, in the minds of the vulgar, a fpark of enthufiafm; which, if blown by the breath of a party, may, even when it feems quite extinguished, be fuddenly revived and raised to a flame. The act of laft fef. fion for naturalizing Jews, has very unexpectedly administered fuel to feed that flame. To what a height it may rife, if it should continue much longer, one cannot easily tell; but, take away the fuel, and it will die of itself.

It is the misfortune of all the Roman Catholic countries, that there the church and the ftate, the civil power and the hierarchy, have feparate interefts; and are continually at variance one with the other. It is our happiness, that there

they form but one fyftem. While this harmony lafts, whatever hurts the church, hurts the ftate: whatever weakens the credit of the governors of the church, takes away from the civil power a part of its ftrength, and shakes the whole conftitution.

Sir, I trust and believe that, by fpeedily paffing this bill, we fhall filence that obloquy which has fo unjustly been cast upon our reverend prelates (fome of the most refpectable that ever adorned our church) for the part they took in the act which this repeals. And it greatly concerns the whole community, that they fhould not lose that refpect which is fo justly due to them, by a popular clamour kept up in oppofition to a measure of no importance in itself. But if the departing from that measure fhould not remove the prejudice so maliciously raised, I am certain that no further step you can take will be able to remove it; and, therefore, I hope you will ftop here. This appears to be a reasonable and fafe condefcenfion, by which nobody will be hurt; but all beyond this would be dangerous weaknefs in government: it might open a door to the wildeft enthufiafm, and to the most mischievous attacks of political difaffection working upon that enthufiafm. If you encourage and authorize it to fall on the fynagogue, it will go from thence to the meeting-house, and in the end to the palace. But let us be careful to check its further progrefs. The more zealous we are to fupport Chriftianity, the more vigilant fhould we be in maintaining toleration. we bring back perfecution, we bring back the Anti-christian fpirit of popery; and when the fpirit is here, the whole fyftem will foon follow. Toleration is the bafis of all public quiet. It is a charter of freedom given to the mind, more valuable, I think, than that which fecures our perfons and eftates. Indeed, they are in feparably connected together: for, where the mind is not free, where the confcience is enthralled, there is no freedom. Spiritual tyranny puts on the galling chains; but civil tyranny is called in, to rivet and fix them. We fee it in Spain, and many other countries; we have formerly both feen and

If

felt

felt it in England. By the bleffing of God, we are now delivered from all kinds of oppreffion. Let us take care, that they may never return.

$83. In Praise of Virtue. Virtue is of intrinfic value and good defert, and of indifpenfable obligation; not the creature of will, but neceffary and immutable: not local or tempo rary, but of equal extent and antiquity with the divine mind; not a mode of fenfation, but everlasting truth; not dependent on power, but the guide of all power. Virtue is the foundation of honour and esteem, and the fource of all beauty, order, and happiness, in nature. It is what confers value on all the other endowments and qualities of a reasonable being, to which they ought to be abfolutely fubfervient, and without which the more eminent they are, the more hideous deformities and the greater curfes they become. The ufe of it is not confined to any one stage of our existence, or to any particular fituation we can be in, but reaches through all the periods and circumstances of our beings. Many of the endowments and talents we now poffefs, and of which we are too apt to be proud, will cease entirely with the prefent ftate; but this will be our ornament and dignity in every future state to which we may be removed. Beauty and wit will die, learning will vanish away, and all the arts of life be foon forgot; but virtue will remain for ever. This unites us to the whole rational creation, and fits us for converfing with any order of fuperior natures, and for a place in any part of God's works. It procures us the approbation and love of all wife and good beings, and renders them our allies and friends. But what is of unfpeakably greater confequence is, that it makes God our friend, affimilates and unites our minds to his, and engages his almighty power in our defence. Superior beings of all ranks are bound by it no less than ourselves. It has the fame authority in all worlds that it has in this. The further any being is advanc. ed in excellence and perfection, the greater is his attachment to it, and the more he is under its influence. To fay

no more, 'tis the law of the whole univerfe; it ftands firft in the estimation of the Deity; its original is his nature; and it is the very object that makes him lovely.

One virtuous dif

Of what confequence, therefore, is it Such is the importance of virtue.that we practise it!-There is no argument or motive, which is at all fitted to influence a reasonable mind, which does not call us to this. pofition of foul is preferable to the greatest natural accomplishments and abilities, and of more value than all the treasures of the world. If you are wife, then, ftudy virtue, and contemn every thing that can come in competition with it. Remember, that nothing else deferves one anxious thought or with. Remember, that this alone is honour, glory, wealth, and happiness. Secure this, and you fecure every thing; lose this, and all is loft. Price,

§ 84. PLINY to HISPULLA. As I remember the great affection which was between lent brother, and know you love his and you your exceldaughter as your own, fo as not only to exprefs the tenderness of the beat of beft of fathers; I am fure it will be a aunts, but even to fupply that of the pleasure to you to hear that the proves worthy of her father, worthy of you, and of your and her ancestors. Her ingenuity is admirable; her frugality extraordinary. She loves me, the fureft pledge of her virtue; and adds to this a wonderful difpofition to learning, which fhe has acquired from her affection to me. ftudies them, and even gets them by She reads my writings, heart. You would fmile to fee the concern fhe is in when I have a caufe to plead, and the joy the fhews when it is over; fhe finds means to have the first news brought her of the fuccefs I meet with in court, how I am heard, and what decree is made. If I recite any thing in public, fhe cannot refrain from placing herself privately in fome corner to hear, where with the utmost delight fhe feafts upon my applaufes. times fhe fings my verfes, and accomSomepanies them with the lute, without any mafter, except Love, the best of in

Atructors.

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