VI. CONCLUSION.

We have been considering a period in American history almost unparalleled in violence and bitterness. There has probably been no party in the history of the country more cordially hated by its opponents than were the Know Noth; ings. Even to-day we find traces of this animus. But on the other hand most of the survivors of the party will speak of it as the grandest party that ever existed. Looking back it seems almost ludicrous to find men seriously thinking that the liberties of America were in danger from the feeble old pontiff who was so soon to have his temporal possessions snatched away by those of his own faith. But there were local provocations which stirred up a justifiable resentment, which, however, soon exceeded all rational limits and sank to the level of bigoted intolerance and proscription. But we must not judge the men of almost half a century ago by the more tolerant and enlightened spirit of the present day. It must be remembered that the Know Nothings existed in a time when William Lloyd Garrison openly burned the Constitution of the United States at Framingham, Mass., and denounced it as "an agreement with hell," because it recognized the institution of slavery; at a time when Representative Brooke, of South Carolina, could make a cowardly assault upon Senator Sumner in the Senate of the United States while members turned their backs and declined to help the defenseless man, and the assailant was unanimously re-elected by his district, and applauded as a gallant gentleman. The Know Nothing party was a child of the age. It has been made the scapegoat of many evils that were com

"Life of Wm. Lloyd Garrison," by his Children, III, 88, 412. 'James Ford Rhodes, II, 115, 224.

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mon to all the political parties of the time. Nor must it be thought that the disorderly faction represented the majority of the party. The word "Know Nothing" has become largely a synonym for all that is bad in politics, but thousands of worthy citizens who did not all sympathize with the rough methods of the clubs, went into the movement honestly thinking that in it alone rested the salvation of the country.

Several valuable lessons might be deduced from the course of this party. In the first place, the Catholic Church should learn the lesson that the American people will not tolerate any interference with the public school system of the country, nor will they suffer any ecclesiastics to interfere in American politics. On the other hand, the extreme to which this party carried opposition to the Catholic Church should warn Protestants against political tricksters who make political capital out of religious differences. Even to-day we see in our midst an organization which proposes to believe that America, with a great Protestant majority, is in danger from a power which cannot assert political rights in a nation where practically all are of the same faith. Such intolerance and fears were somewhat excusable two generations back; on the eve of the twentieth century they are entirely out of place.

Looking back upon this turbulent era what a contrast does it present to the Nation of to-day. Only within a few years we have seen a presidential campaign in which great interests were at stake: in which great excitement was displayed, but which was decided peacefully and acquiesced in quietly by the people. More recently we have gone through a war which was preceded by incidents which were well calculated to try the patience of the people. But throughout it all there was only a calm self-restraint and reliance in the Government, and men of all shades of opinion stood firm together in its support. The majority of voters of to-day, who calmly go to the polls, and mark their ballots in the little booth, can hardly realize how different this is from the conduct of elections forty years ago. Το

one who has read the newspapers of the period, the picture of riot and disorder is almost as vivid (and fresher in mind) than to those who lived through it. We are far from the millennium in our civic life; we have many grave defects and faults which are to be remedied, but we should not despair. The only way to overcome evil is to fight it, and if the last four decades have wrought such a change for the better, what may not the next four decades bring forth?

APPENDIX A.

NATIONAL PLATFORM 1855.

1. The acknowledgment of that Almighty Being who rules over the universe-who presides over the Councils of Nations who conducts the affairs of men, and who, in every step by which we have advanced to the character of an independent Nation, has distinguished us by some token of Providential agency.

2. The cultivation and development of a sentiment of profoundly intense American feeling, of passionate attachment to our country, its history and its institutions; of admiration for the purer days of our national existence; of veneration for the heroism that precipitated our Revolution, and of emulation of the virtue, wisdom and patriotism that framed our Constitution, and first successfully applied

its provisions.

3. The maintenance of the union of these United States, as the paramount political good; or, to use the language of Washington, "the primary object of patriotic desire." hence

And

First-Opposition to all attempts to weaken or subvert it. Second-Uncompromising antagonism to every principle of policy that endangers it.

Third-The advocacy of an equitable adjustment of all political differences which threaten its integrity or per petuity.

Fourth-The suppression of all tendencies to political division, founded on "geographical discriminations, or on the belief that there is a real difference of interests and views" between the various sections of the Union.

Fifth-The full recognition of the rights of the several States, as expressed and reserved in the Constitution, and a careful avoidance by the general government of all interference with their rights by legislative or executive action.

4. Obedience to the Constitution of these United States as the supreme law of the land, sacredly obligatory upon all its parts and members; and steadfast resistance to the spirit of innovation upon its principles, however specious the pretexts. Avowing that in all doubtful or disputed pionts it may only be legally ascertained and expounded by the judicial power of the United States.

First-A habit of reverential obedience to the laws, whether national, State or municipal, until they are repealed or declared unconstitutional by the proper authority.

Second-A tender and sacred regard for those acts of statesmanship which are to be contradistinguished from acts of ordinary legislation by the fact of their being of the nature of compacts and agreements; and so, to be considered a fixed and settled national policy.

5. A radical revision and modification of the laws regulating immigration, and the settlement of immigrants, offering the honest immigrant, who from love of liberty or hatred of oppression, seeks an asylum in the United States, a friendly reception and protection, but unqualifiedly condemning the transmission to our shores of felons and paupers.

6. The essential modification of the naturalization laws. The repeal by the Legislatures of the respective States of all State laws allowing foreigners not naturalized to vote. The repeal, without retrospective operation, of all acts of Congress making grants of land to unnaturalized foreigners, and allowing them to vote in the territories.

7. Hostility to the corrupt means by which the leaders of party have hitherto forced upon us our rulers and our political creeds.

Implacable enmity against the present demoralizing system of rewards for political subserviency, and of punishments for political independence.