and not to make any decision on it, either from his Excellency the Lord-Lieutenant or myself, and that the answers he originally gave to my inquiries should regulate the report which I would make.

Having now stated the different occurrences which took place in the course of the investigation, it appears to me that a Petition against a Union was signed by a large proportion of the officers, non-commissioned officers, and privates of the Downshire Regiment of Militia; that this Petition was transmitted to Major Matthews by Lord Downshire; that the officers did assemble at Major Matthews's quarters, and the non-commissioned officers and privates at the quarters of the Adjutant, for the purpose of signing it; that all the individuals of the regiment at the head-quarters, who chose to sign it, had an opportunity of doing so. It likewise appears, though I could not ascertain the exact numbers that signed the Petition, yet, from what Major Matthews stated to be the supposed number of signatures, they equalled, if not exceeded, the numbers of the regiment then at Carlow. It was impossible for me to ascertain the number of Freeholders in the regiment; but, on examining the description list of recruits lately joined, many of whom the Adjutant told me had signed the Petition, I perceived that a majority of them were under twenty years of age, and a great proportion under eighteen.

I have now represented my opinion on the different objects of investigation stated in your letter to me. Lieut.-Colonel Donaldson, Captain Boyd of the Downshire Regiment, and Brigade-Major Higgins, can substantiate the accuracy of the above statement. I have the honour to be, &c., CHARLES ROSS, Major-General.

Private.

The Duke of Portland to Lord Castlereagh.

Burlington House, February 13, 1800, 7 P.M. My dear Lord-From the allusion I made, in my despatch to the Lord-Lieutenant of the 9th instant, to the possible ex

pediency of rendering Lord Downshire's conduct a subject of Parliamentary inquiry, your Lordship may be the less surprised that, considering that measure to have become impracticable by the more summary and military mode of proceeding which has been adopted by the Lord-Lieutenant, I should continue so prepossessed in favour of the mode I suggested as to think it necessary to intimate my wishes more distinctly, in case the orders for the removal of Major Matthews, which were transmitted yesterday, shall happen not as yet to be carried into effect, that they may be suspended, at least, until it can be determined whether greater advantages might not result to Government by bringing his conduct, and that of any other officer or officers concerned in procuring the signatures of the regiment to the Petition, before the House of Commons, as a matter of privilege. This course would necessarily bring all parties before you, and enable you to expose the whole of the transaction, and to call down the vengeance of Parliament upon the instruments and authors, and the abetters of it, in such a manner as would not only completely ensure you against any attempts of a similar nature, but put the friends of Union upon such grounds as would give them a very decided advantage throughout the rest of the contest.

Your Lordship and the Lord-Lieutenant will consider yourselves at liberty to treat the proposal I have now submitted to you merely in the light of a suggestion, and by no means whatever as an instruction, or even as recommended to your adoption; and, indeed, it is for that reason that I address this letter to your Lordship rather than to his Excellency. But, feeling, as I do, the advantages which would result from the resentment of Parliament being roused, as it appears to me it might be, and as I conceive it would be, were the transaction represented to them in its true light, and all its bearings pointed out to them, the unconstitutional tendency of which every moment's reflection must render more evident and striking, I should not feel that I had fulfilled my private or public

duty, had I neglected to lay my thoughts upon the subject

before you.

I have the honour, &c.,

PORTLAND.

Lord Grenville to Lord Castlereagh.

Private.

Cleveland Row, February 13, 1800. My dear Lord-As I do not accurately recollect whether I had an opportunity of saying anything to you before you left London, on the subject of the trial of controverted elections of Members of the House of Commons on the part of Ireland in the United Parliament, and as it is a point on which I naturally feel a particular anxiety, I take the liberty of troubling you with a few lines on the subject, for your consideration.

The article, as it now stands, I hold to be clearly right, and that there would be the utmost danger in any attempt at any farther specification on the subject previously to the Union. The measure of Union itself would, I think, be unnecessarily embarrassed by clogging it with any details on this question, which is undoubtedly one of some difficulty; and, as the point is not one on which the wildest imagination can suppose that a majority of British Members could have an interest in making any provisions injurious to the fair trial of Irish elections, it does not seem to be naturally an object of previous stipulation on the part of Ireland, but one which would more probably be left to be regulated by the wisdom of the United Parliament; while, on the other hand, many inconveniences, and those of the most serious nature, would result from making these regulations any part of an immoveable treaty. We have already seen occasion to introduce more than one alteration into the law on the subject here, and there is still more reason to think that this might hereafter become necessary, as to the object now in question.

Trusting, therefore, that you will be successful in resisting any attempt to make provision on this subject beforehand,

otherwise than as it now stands in the resolution as opened to the Irish Parliament, I should think it unnecessary to break in upon you, in the present moment, with any discussion of future regulations upon the subject, if it were not that I feel much anxiety that even in debate no ideas should be held out, either of Committees to sit in Ireland, or (still less) of Committees to be wholly composed of Irish Members. The former, as it seems to me, would be destructive of the principle of the Union, and totally inconsistent with any form or principle of Parliamentary proceeding. Nothing could be more dangerous than to have, during the recess of Parliament, bodies of that description sitting in Ireland, with no check over them to control any proceedings they might adopt; for what other power could be allowed to interfere with the proceedings of a Committee of the House of Commons, acting as such, however unwarrantably or illegally!

The other idea that of composing Committees exclusively of Irish Members-would be useless if they were not to sit in Ireland. It is, therefore, liable to all the objections which I have already stated; and it is besides inconsistent with the principle of the present Act, and calculated in effect to destroy all hope of impartiality in the trial, when the jury, instead of being chosen from among 558 or 658 Members, would be confined to such a number as 100, and those, too, the most influenced by local prejudices and con

nections.

All that I can think necessary to be done on the subject, and I have thought much upon it, is that the United Parliament should give a power to the parties to examine witnesses (in presence of counsel on both sides, and liable, therefore, to cross-examination), before some commission, duly constituted for the purpose, and to produce that evidence, reduced to writing and properly certified, before the Committee here. Even in this case, I would not preclude either party, if he chose to incur the expence, from the benefit of producing his

oral testimony before the Committee, but I would simply make the written evidence, taken as above, admissible.

This point may, however, I am aware, admit of some doubt. I am far from taking upon myself to decide upon what may be ultimately found right on this subject; but, seeing much danger in any ideas founded on the principle of any greater change than this, I was anxious to submit to your consideration these thoughts upon it. I trust we shall have full opportunities to consider them in a moment of more leisure to yourself than this can be.

Private.

Believe me ever, &c.,

GRENVILLE.

Lord Castlereagh to the Duke of Portland.

Dublin Castle, February 15, 1800. My dear Lord-I have received the honour of your Grace's despatch, marked private, of the 13th instant. I have submitted your Grace's suggestions to the Lord-Lieutenant, and am to express to your Grace that, under all the circumstances, the leaning of his Excellency's opinion is against taking any Parliamentary proceeding against Major Matthews and the other officers who were actors in the business at Carlow.

The reasons which weigh with his Excellency, and which, I own, are equally convincing to me, are, that the effect already produced by the decision of the Lord-Lieutenant's conduct, supported as it is by his Majesty's sanction and the entire concurrence of his Ministers, carries with it every possible advantage that can be obtained. The friends of Government have warmly approved of what has been done, and the public. mind is most favourably impressed by the energy of Govern

ment.

If a Parliamentary inquiry was instituted, it is possible that some legal niceties might occur to embarrass, and no ulterior good could be produced by further censure of a proceeding which no person has ventured to defend.