proposed to the ruling powers and Protestant body of this kingdom, they ought joyfully to accept of it as a means of extricating themselves from difficulties and dangers almost unparalleled in the history of politics. Should the Irish Parliament say, No, we will not accept of a Union though offered us, because Great Britain will always find herself obliged to support us and the Protestant interest, for her own sake-this is, in effect, to say, We will always keep this island a weak, disjointed, and distracted country, merely because it suits our own advantage; we will stand in the way of this salutary measure, and endanger the safety of the Empire at large, merely because it suits our own advantage—a mode of reasoning too barefaced to be used on any other subject, and which, therefore, will not perhaps be resorted to on this.

When the political existence of one country is so dependent on the protection of another, as that she needs only to be deserted for a single moment in order to fall into the most miserable state of anarchy and disorder, surely the protecting country has a right to demand that the subordinate one should adopt every means for her own preservation that justice and equity may prompt her to offer. Though the preponderating country may not find it convenient or even safe to desert the other on account of her refusing to adopt these means, yet is the refusal itself an act of the most manifest and downright injustice that can possibly be conceived.

SUGGESTIONS FOR A UNION.

Ireland is admitted to be an independent kingdom, the bad effects of which, and the baneful idea of separation, can be done away only by a Union. Until that event takes place, that country will never be settled-will always be disturbed by the most mischievous speculations, conspiracies, and intrigues, even with the enemy. The change of Government, at least every four years, and the concessions so regularly

made under the vain notion of satisfying the people, create and promote schemes and suggestions inconsistent with the tranquillity of the country, and encouraging agitators, with whom it is a system to disturb the public mind; and now the inflammation is so great, that, if a Union does not take place, Ireland will continue in the most wretched state, the theatre of rebellion and invasion, and neither lives nor property

secure.

My opinion was always in favour of a Union; and, when I wrote on the state of Ireland near fifteen years ago, I foresaw that it must become necessary: the moment is now come; and it will never occur again when a Union may be practicable.

The leading men in Ireland, who were most unfriendly to it, find that neither their property nor the country is safe, and now wish for Union. The measure should be despatched while men's minds are impressed with the present horrid state of Ireland, and while the agitators are kept down by the discovery and failure of their plots.

The more I have discussed the subject, the more I am satisfied of the practicability of a Union; and that all the objections and suggestions against it are surmountable; but, without previously reconciling leading men, it cannot, nor can any great measure, without some management, succeed. The body of men the most difficult, and yet the most essential to conciliate, are the lawyers; their opinions will have great weight, and they know how to give them impression.

The Union should be simple, and not embarrassed with any thing that can possibly be avoided, especially with any thing new respecting religion or tithes; although it will be hereafter absolutely necessary to make some great change in respect to the latter.

A philosophical indifference, with regard to the sects of Christianity, will promote a relaxation of all religion, never to be risked, especially in these times. If it ever should be neces

sary to do more for the Roman Catholics, let it be by the united Parliament and for the whole empire. Every innovation and change will lead to claims in both islands, and will also raise parties against the measure and confound it. Such changes satisfy none, disgust the friends of the Establishment and of England, who feel that they are not so much considered as the turbulent; that their security is made subservient to ideal notions of Government, their lives and fortunes left at risk; that they, the loyal minority, are sacrificed to the disloyal majority of inveterate Papists and Republicans, whose dangerous disaffection has been proved, and that they are not to be satisfied. Not a friend will be acquired; many will be lost, and the powerful body of Protestants, on whom England can alone depend, and in whom is almost the whole property of the island, will be disgusted.

I see no necessity now to relinquish the test, in respect to certain high offices of trust.

The Protestant establishment should be secured by the first article of Union, the same as was done by the Union of Scotland.

I dread the interference of Burke's disciples in this country, and the mischief of their fanciful theories.

I should prefer two members for each county, under an idea of a representation of property; but, as leaseholds give a right of voting for counties in Ireland, the election I would be in the Roman Catholics. It would be difficult now to alter the right of voting; and, if that cannot be done, perhaps it would be better to have only one member for each county, two for Dublin, one for each of the other principal cities, viz., Cork, Belfast, Derry, Waterford, and Limerick, and one for the University of Dublin-in all forty members, and forty more from the other places, which now return members to be chosen jointly, and in some cases alternately, making in the whole eighty commoners. In some instances, two places, and in other instances three places, would elect a

member. In general, five boroughs return only one member

in Scotland.

32 Counties, at one each ...

1 Dublin....

32

2

5 Cork, Waterford, Belfast, Derry, Limerick, at one each 5 1 University of Dublin

18 places to return nine—that is, two places to return one 93 places to return thirty-one-that is, three places 31

150

to return one

1

9

80

It has been suggested that eighty persons would not be easily found among those who now reside in Ireland, who could afford to leave that country and reside during the sitting of Parliament in London; yet, in respect to distance, Ireland in general is considerably nearer to London than Scotland, and the expence of travelling would be less.

I incline to wish burgess rights may be extended to freeholders of at least ten pounds yearly value in the district, and compensation made for any rights taken away: this certainly will be somewhat of reform; it is the only reform I propose : if it can be admitted without danger of greater innovation, it will remove much of Irish clamour, and will really be a change for the better. Perhaps our indiscriminate abhorrence of any change, and our disposition at this moment to strengthen the aristocratical part of the constitution, which is already found sufficiently strong, may ultimately tend to make reform appear

more necessary.

Thirty Peers would be sufficient; if any of them Bishops, not more than two. The greatest objection to a Union is the change it will make in the constitution and in the independence of Parliament. Bishops are named by the Crown, and, of all descriptions of persons, the most likely to be dependent. There would be no difficulty in Ireland in respect to appeals to the Lords of the United Parliament.

Ireland may well afford to pay equally with Great Britain all future taxes that may be laid, as the permanent taxes of the latter are very nearly so much as she can possibly bear.

The surplus of Irish revenue of all kinds, after the discharge of debts or of interest of debts and of establishments, to be at the disposal of the United Parliament. This surplus will greatly increase, with the improvement of Ireland, both customs and excise, and will become very considerable.

If the system of a general tax on income should take place in Ireland, it of course includes the land, and, consequently, there can be no other land-tax; but, if the tax on income does not take place, a land-tax, although an objectionable tax in all other cases, might be advisable in Ireland, as the only constitutional means of obliging the absentee to contribute.

To avoid distressing Parliament with too much trifling business, and to save the expense of applying to Parliament, turnpike-roads, canals, &c., might be managed by grand jury assessments, and traversed in the Courts of Dublin; but it is very objectionable, on account of the difficulty of checking the spirit of jobs and the power of great men in Ireland, and may become highly oppressive; perhaps it might be admitted, in a guarded manner, to a limited amount.

In respect to commercial intercourse between the two islands, England might admit of the abolition of all import duties; but, as Ireland will probably object to raising her import duties as high as the English, and also her excises, there must be countervailing duties on the entry of such articles as iron, sugar, salt, &c., into England from Ireland. Ireland would still have a considerable advantage on the admission of her manufactures into England, paying only the difference of the import duty on the raw material. It is impossible to countervail the difference of price of labour, of taxes, and excises in the two countries.

For the sake of a Union, England may admit of other manufactures of Ireland, such as woollens, and stuffs mixed