me, ought to have done all this, he ought to have considered the state of Ireland before he introduced in this house, as the chief servant of the crown, a subject that, to be met fairly at any time requires much previous preparation, and which at this moment is to put every thing to hazard. Sir, I can see the possible danger of adding to the discontents of the people of Ireland. An intriguing, ambitious enemy, may take advantage of the crisis, and desperate factious spirits at home may seize upon it as an opportunity favorable to the success of their wild and visionary projects. But these dangers are only to be apprehended from the innovation of the rights of the people of Ireland, as forming an independent nation; and he who merely seeks to arrest the arm of the invader, to check his spirit of aggression and usurpation, so far from justly incurring reproach, is in fairness entitled to the praise of honorable and virtuous enterprize. I shall speak out manfully on an occasion which eminently invites every friend to constitutional liberty to the utmost exertion of his powers. The present moment is our's, the next may be the enemy's. I am perfectly ready, however, to give credit to ministers for purity of intention. On my word, I think they would not propose here a measure which they believed would ultimately cause a separation of this country from Ireland. With them, I say, it is necessary to the happiness of the empire, that it is essentially a source of wealth and power to continue that connection with Ireland. It is a connection which as much as any man I wish ever to preserve, and I do not think it necessary to claim the indulgence of the right honorable gentleman and the house, when I declare I believe I am equally averse as they are to sedition and revolt adopted in the sister kingdom; that I equally abhor and detest the conduct of an ambitious and rapacious foe in the whole career of his acts of unjust and unprovoked aggression of the rights of the weak or unsuspecting, or indolent states. But am

I, therefore, to vote for measures which but too strongly express the character of that system which this enemy had so wickedly and flagrantly pursued? God forbid! Perhaps we are to be told, that the enemy still perseveres in his intention of invading Ireland; and, if that were possible, to sever from the empire one of its most useful and ornamental branches. That he lays in wait for an opportunity to carry decisively into effect these his ambitious views. I do not, Sir, at all doubt that France now anxiously looks on, eager to come in for a share of the plunder of the liberties of Ireland. The enemy with whom we have to contend, is as vigilant as dextrous, and it is in the constitution of his system of universal pillage, and the indiscriminate abuse of every maxim of honorable policy, on all occasions to profit by the distresses or the agitations of other powers. To invite and encourage France, it was enough that His Majesty's ministers should have brought forward the present measure. There have been nations, who after asserting by their arms their independence, have, by their improvident use of victory, sown the seeds of future degradation and ruin too deep and too diffusive ever to be able again to resist their enemies. So true is it, that external dangers will unite communities, while the moment of triumph ushers in all those recollections of jealousy, of distrust, of uneasiness at the measures of a government or a minister, which had laid dormant in the hour of united exertion. I have told you, Sir, that I do not doubt but that France waits with impatience for an opportunity effectually to strike her long-meditated blow against Ireland. She has manifested this spirit from time to time, and I must assume it as a fair ground of argument against the present measure, that its tendency is rather to encourage the enemy than drive them from their settled purpose. Not only do I believe, that they have agreed upon some new expedition and attack, but have increased their exertions from the time the

scheme of union was first agitated by ministers. But I shall be told, this measure will have the effect of defeating the enemy, by shewing them how vain it will be in future to attempt any thing against united Ireland. Now I hoped that our splendid naval victories, that the discovery of the plots, the possession of the papers, the discomfiture of the projects of the internal and external enemies of Ireland, would have satisfied the minds of all, that no new project of invasion can be carried into effect. Sir, I do say, it is the conduct of ministers towards the Irish nation from which only we can have any reason to apprehend danger. By dividing the native and constitutional defenders of Ireland, they sow among them the seeds of treason, and encourage the attempts of the enemy on that unfortunate country. The right honorable gentleman (Mr. Pitt) told us yesterday, that, without hearing the notice I then gave, he could not have expected such an opposition as the present to the motion, because the word Union was not to be found in the message. That I ought to have known that the described object was adjustment, not union. But I must take it for granted, the right honorable gentleman will not fly to such a subterfuge on so important a question. Indeed, I persuade myself he will admit at once, that it is a question of terms and not of fact. If, however, it should be contended, that I am borne out in the inference by the message, look to Ireland. The recent changes in that country, the dismissals of some very respectable characters from office, distinctly points to the Union. I grieve to see such a name as that of Lord Cornwallis to such letters and papers as have within these few weeks been published at the castle. It is painful to read in a letter from this man the dismissal from office of such a character as Sir J. Parnell. With these facts before us, it is perfectly fair to assume, that union is the object, and it being no longer a question of terms, I know I am perfectly in order in arguing

against the measure. detailed view of the subject; but I am glad the right honorable gentleman has given us an opportunity to know when we may regularly expect to meet it in that way. Neither do I mean to say any thing of the advantages of the measure. I can admit that this is a fair discussion always, and may at this moment safely go forward to the public. But I do not know how to admit, that not to adopt an Union, were to invite the separation of the two countries by a French force. Nay, my opinion is directly the reverse of this; and I must say, that situated as Ireland is, without having in one instance manifested a wish to unite, but, on the contrary, having unequivocally declared herself hostile to the proposition of a union, that if it be effected, it will be a union accomplished by surprise, fraud, and corrup tion; and which must place the people of Ireland in a worse situation than they were before. I think there are two propositions which I have now estab lished the first, that it is decidedly an infraction and violation of her acknowledged right of independent legislation; and second, that union cannot prevent the separation of Ireland from this country by France. The third proposition I have to offer to the consideration of the house is, that it is not possible that, in the present state of Ireland, the people can declare and act upon their genuine sentiments; and let any man who has a head to conceive, and a heart to feel for the miseries of Ireland, put this memorable question to himself-Is it possible that the free, fair, and unbiassed sense of the people of Ireland, can be collected at this time on this question? The English force in that country is at once an answer to this question. I am not to be told, that if even the people should be cheated and tricked into union, and out of independence, it is of no consequence, as the measure is intended solely for their good, and that we ought to adopt it now, and convince them afterwards. This will not be argued by

I will not now enter into a

any man; or if it is, let gentlemen look to union under all its circumstances, and strange indeed must be their mode of reasoning, if they do not agree with me, that in the present conjuncture of affairs, union will lead to separate and not to perpetuate the connection. If any man should say, "Yes, we have a force in Ireland; there may be an opposition there to union, but now is our time to play their own game of 1782 back upon themselves;" if there be a man in this house capable of such mean and contemptible conduct, I leave it to gentlemen to consider what will be the effect of such an example. With respect to the conspiracies, which happily have been defeated, I own they were such as ought to be carefully guarded against; and I deplore as much as many, that the means of combining insurrection were so various and melancholy. There might have been much of the cause of revolt concealed under the measures of the government; but if the Irish should at any future period awake from the slumbers of that sloth which the slavery of union is to occasion, how are they to be replied to if they should say, "You offered to us your assistance against domestic and foreign enemies, we accepted of it, and gave you affection and gratitude, and the irreproachable pledge of all the support in our power in return. But having enabled us to repel invasion and suppress rebellion, you took from us our parliament with your forty thousand soldiers, and dissipating our independence, you inflicted on us a union, to which our fellow subjects famished and fled, could give no opposition, and this not by force, but by an act of negative intimidation." Said Mr. Sheridan, those who understand what it is to acquire negative successes, will be at no loss to comprehend what I mean by negative intimidation-" If the people of Ireland should say, that by your forces you deprived them of the means of defending themselves; that you wrung from their independence, what influenced the

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