and eloquence, and every thing must be full of genius, animation, and eloquence that came from him. This very speech was one great instance of the benefits to be derived from the motion now submitted to the house; for his right honorable friend had in the course of it thrown out more information respecting the state of Ireland, than ever had been communicated by any other member, or at any period for some time past. But another member accused him of libelling the legislation of this country, and our cosmopolitan and philanthropic parliament! But what had our most philanthropic parliament done for Ireland? Why, they legislated without inquiry for that country; but if his motion had been proposed and agreed to two or three years ago, parliament would have been better able to have legislated for Ireland. For the proof of this he would only refer to the speech of his right honorable friend, who had exposed the abuses with respect to tythes, the non-residence of the clergy, and state of the Protestant schools. The honorable gentleman seemed to be mightily offended at his saying that government had not been attentive to Ireland. For a proof of this too, he referred to the speech of his right honorable friend (Grattan) who had stated that 10,000 acres of land only supported eighteen Protestant schools; and yet with all this before them, some gentleman pretended that the government had paid the requisite attention to the state of Ireland. He hoped, however, that an attention of a different sort would be given it. Ireland expected this; England expected it; and the result he had no doubt would be beneficial to both countries. His right honorable friend had adverted to the state of tythes in Ireland, and from the ill-constructed method of collecting and managing these, had deducted a great part of the evils under which Ireland labored. The "hearts of steel," the "white boys," the "bright boys," and "thrashers," all arose from the tythes, which appeared the most cruel of the burthens under

which the lower ranks of people in Ireland groaned. Why then, did not this sufficiently account for the disaffection in Ireland, without having recourse to the idea of a French faction? His right honorable friend admitted the general loyalty of the people of Ireland; but still said there was a French party in Ireland a French party; but contemptible; a miserable faction, destitute of talents and energy, and of trifling numbers. What he wanted then was, to have the nature of this danger ascertained, to see in what it consisted, to find out the strength of this French faction, and if so contemptible as his right honorable friend had said, to apply a remedy equal to the disease, and not to overturn the whole constitution of the country on account of a wretched faction. His right honorable friend had compared the general loyalty of Ireland and her French faction, to a beauty with a pimple on her face; a very gallant illustration, and one that must certainly be admired by Irishmen. But if he (Mr. S.) were to give his advice to this beauty, he would say to her, "my lovely charmer, put a patch on that pimple, but do not cover your whole face with a mask." Apply this to Ireland. Were the whole of the loyal Irish to be deprived of their liberties, because there existed a contemptible French faction? Let the remedy meet the evil, but no more; let not the foul mask of despotism cover the land, but let liberty bloom in all her beauty, where there existed a soil in which she was capable of flourishing. It had been said, that now, in this difficult crisis, was the time for the Catholics to show their loyalty and attachment to the constitution, and their worthiness to enjoy its benefits! But this was beginning at the wrong end. If you want the attachment of the Irish, begin by giving them some reason to love you. If you want them to fight your battles, give them something to fight for. But the other way, to deprive them of their constitution in the mean time,

was

"Propter vitam, vitæ perdere causas."

You asked them for bravery, and took away the motives to it. You asked for loyalty, and bid them contend for their laws and liberties, and at the same time deprived them of the benefits of the constitution. But his right honorable friend said, that they were only deprived of this for a time, and that they would have their liberties again after they had achieved some acts that would show their zeal and loyalty. He had a different view of this subject. He wished to give them the motives to act, before he sent them to action. But what was this proof required of the Irish Catholics? Had they not already given it? Where, by sea or by land, had they failed to do their duty? When had they shrunk in the moment of invasion? When had they been deficient in expressions of loyalty and attachment to the constitution? And when have their words been falsified by their actions? Yet his honorable friend seemed to think, that proofs of their loyalty and zeal for the constitution were wanting! You must, however, trust the Catholics; you must have them in your Irish militia. Why then suspect them, and subject them to penalties without cause? He might be wrong in this; but if that was so let it be proved. His right honorable friend close by him (Mr. Windham), had said, that he seemed to hold the concessions to the Roman Catholics cheap. He certainly had never done so, and his right honorable friend was mistaken. He had said, that if what was called Catholic emancipation was granted without some other measures in favour of the poorer classes, it might excite envy and jealousy in them. The benefits to them they would consider as not running pari passu with those to their superiors, and certainly without some caution what was intended to promote harmony, might become the excitement to contention. But what did the bill proposed by the late administration in favor of the Catholics do? It certainly did a great deal indeed, when it proposed to abolish the restrictions on the Roman Catholic

officer, when he came to a certain rank; an officer who stood in this singular situation, that he rose till he had an opportunity of doing some act worthy of preferment; and however great the services he might perform, there he stopped, and the disabilities under which he labored damped his ardor, and rendered him less fit or disposed for enterprize and exertion. The unfortunate Catholic officer might therefore be said to rise to his degradation. The removal of such restrictions were doing much, and the best effects would certainly have followed from the adoption of such a measure. Was it not better to put confidence in the Irish than to bind them down by restrictions? The enemy might hope to break their chains, but they could not expect to turn towards them those hearts that had been conciliated by kindness and confidence. Instead, therefore, of putting them on trial, his wish certainly would be, to give them the benefits of the constitution before they mustered in the field. Instead of the yoke of slavery, he would hang the privilege of the constitution about their necks, and arm them with their rights. Without this, it was impossible to expect that the Irish Catholics should be so cordial in their loyalty and attachment to the constitution as they would otherwise be He had heard nothing more that appeared to him to require any particular observation. But he again repeated, that if no other good effect should result from this motion, than an acknowledgment on the part of parliament, of the importance of the subject, the motion ought to be adopted. Charles the First, asked Selden, "what was the best way to put down a rebellion ?" to which Selden answered," remove the cause.' He begged of the government to apply this answer to Ireland, and put an end to the disaffection there, by removing the cause. He would keep his word, and trespass no longer on the indulgence that had been granted him.

The house divided; for the motion 33; against it 76.

JUNE 15, 1808.

AFFAIRS OF SPAIN.

Mr. SHERIDAN rose to call the attention of the house to the affairs of Spain. It had been proposed to him to put off the subject, on the ground, that the gentlemen from that country now residing here, were this day gone to partake of the hospitality of his right honorable friend the Secretary of State for foreign affairs. He believed, however, with all the enthusiasm they must naturally feel on such a subject, they would be equally well entertained with his right honorable friend's dinner, as they would have been with listening to what he had to say. He could, therefore, on that ground feel no hesitation in persevering in the motion of which he had given notice. He understood, besides, that his right honorable friend had dispatched a general belonging to Ireland, to represent him at this entertainment. That these noble foreigners would feel themselves particularly happy in the company of that gallant officer, he could have no doubt; the more especially as it was understood, that his right honorable friend had not sent him to represent himself at his hospitable board alone, but that he was also to be sent to represent this country in fighting the battles of Spain, where he (Mr. Sheridan) was satisfied his services would be unfeigned. He begged leave to correct an idea that seemed to have gone abroad, that he meant to make an harangue or exhortation to ministers on this subject. Nothing was further from his intention. He simply meant to call the attention of ministers, and of the house, to the subject, not to lecture them into it. All that he had to say, he had communicated some days ago to his right honorable friend. The right honorable and learned gentleman opposite (Mr. Perceval) did not give credit to this; and he had also had the misfortune to fall under the odium of his honorable friend near him, as if by his present notice he had meant to