XXIX INDEPENDENCE DECLARED, FOR WASHINGTON ΤΟ T SECURE HE evolution of Washington had gone far and fast. Passing through New York a year before, he had agreed with the provincial Congress in "that fondest Wish of every American Soul, an accommodation with our Mother Country," and pledged his "every Exertion . . . to the Re-establishment of Peace and Harmony." Nine months later, he had returned to New York in exactly the opposite mind, having re-pledged his every exertion to the prevention of reunion with Great Britain, and despising his former faith. He could now write to his brother with contempt for those "who are still feeding themselves upon the dainty food of reconciliation." Once the mood of war possesses the heart, the mere suggestion of peace is an irritant, and Washington, having had all too much experience of the lethargy of his countrymen, dreaded the further let-down of peace parleys and appeals to return to the dear old mother-country. He was suspicious and resentful of the very approach of commissioners from England bearing offers of peace. He looked forward to "a very bloody summer of it" and protested: "Things have come to that pass now, as to convince us, that we have nothing more to expect from the justice of Great Britain; also, that she is capable of the most delusive arts; for I am satisfied, that no commissioners ever were designed, except Hessians and other foreigners; and that the idea was only to deceive and throw us off our guard. ... no man, that entertains a hope of seeing this dispute speedily and equitably adjusted by commissioners, will go to the same expense and run the same hazards to prepare for the worst event, as he who believes that he must conquer, or submit to unconditional terms, and its concomitants, such as confiscation, hanging, &c., &c." 1 He wrote thus to his brother during his brief visit to Philadelphia, where he upset completely his former contempt for what he had called "setting up for independency and what not" a year and a half before. With the rest of the radicals, his hatred of parliament and his love of the amiable misguided George III had turned into a centered rage against the King. The very moment of the transition is indicated in the letter he wrote to Joseph Reed, on April 1, 1776, in which he ridiculed the flight from Boston of "the king's (I think it idle to keep up the distinction of ministerial) troops." Exactly ten months before, he had written to George William Fairfax concerning the flight from Lexington of "the ministerial troops (for we do not, nor can we yet prevail upon ourselves to call them the King's troops)." 2 In Williamsburg, Washington had toasted the King and the Queen with the others. In New York he requested the person not to pray so violently for the King. A little later, in Williamsburg, Nicholas Creswell would note a still further progress in the attitude toward royalty: "Dined at Williamsburg with two Colonels, 5 Majors, 7 Captains, and a number of inferior Officers. The Grace: G-d D-m the King of England, by Colnl. Innis, for the Military dinner. I paid 27s. D-m the Military and the times together." 3 Realizing the benumbing influence of reopening the reconciliation proposals, Adams, Jefferson and the other radicals felt that they must act at once, before it was too late. It was, therefore, a fear of peace that forced through the Declaration of Independence.* Still, the separation had to come, and the ancient regret nursed by Trevelyan and some American historians for the unnecessary split in the British Empire is fantastic in view of the subsequent development of the United States. At any rate, the radicals felt that the hour had struck, and the cry, "We are forever free!" must be uttered now, though a year before John Adams had said, "that there are any that pant after independence is the greatest slander in the province," and Ben Franklin had said he had "never heard the least expression of a wish for separation,"-not "from any person, drunk or sober." Multitudes now were most solemnly drunk with the new wine. 5 Even as late as February, 1776, says Allan Nevins,' the introduction of the subject of independence into the Provincial Congress of South Carolina "caused such an outburst of indignation that if the radicals had pressed it, the Congress would have dissolved then and there." There was still almost fifty percent of the Congress ready to revolt from the revolution, and not yet willing to give it up. The radicals made an absolute tergiversation, then accused the Tories of treason. "Incomparably the strongest words then uttered against the new proposal of Independence,” says Tyler, "were uttered, not by American Tories, but by some of the American Whigs." They pleaded that peace was at hand, everything that had been demanded about to be granted, and freedom forever established under the British constitution. But the radicals were organized. They had a political machine-what came to be known later as a steam roller-and they drove it home. over whatsoever bodies blocked its way. The radicals were right in the long run, as often, though they dealt cruelly, as usual, with those who were of a less agile faith, and less contemptuous of consistency. So, as everybody knows, the Declaration of Independence took its place among the great documents of time. It was not passed on the day of its celebration, and it was not many things that it is thought to be, but it was tremendous and immortal. Nearly everybody who knows anything about the Liberty Bell knows now that it did not ring out the glad tidings, and was not cracked in that service. But it is still hallowed for what it might have done. Other cold facts that will never alter the cherished legends are these: "The Declaration of Independence is not the official act by which the Continental Congress voted in favor of separation from Great Britain," says Carl Becker." That act was the resolution voted on July 2, 1776, "and if we were a nation of antiquaries we should no doubt find an incongruity in celebrating the anniversary of our independence on the 4th of July." The Declaration has been called "Mr. Jefferson's advertisement of Mr. Lee's resolution." July 4th was devoted to tearing the manuscript to pieces with criticisms and amendments (including the elision of five hundred words) and the final adoption, by all the colonies but New York, of the statement that on July 2nd the colonies had become free and independent States. The Declaration was ordered engrossed on July 19th, and the first signatures were affixed on August 2nd, the last, long after. The signers' names were kept secret for six months for the better security of their necks. Many hearts were wrung by the Declaration, for it meant to them exile from the old "home" in England. There were thousands who still hoped to chant, "God save our gracious King." More important still in numbers and in immobility toward either side was the generally unmentioned and unconsidered, yet immensely weighty bulk of the populace, that did not care very much what was done so long as it was not called away from home to do it-the vague, enormous, eternal tertium quid that says, "A plague o' both your houses! give us peace and quiet!" These people do not ordinarily even speak. Their taciturnity equals their inertia and is the despair of the passionate. Few of them are so amiably expressive as the Philadelphian Graydon 10 describes: "Mr. John Ross, who loved ease and Madeira, declared for neutrality, saying, that let who would be King, he well knew that he should be subject." Against such charming lethargy the rebels and the Tories alike were powerless. On the very day the Declaration was passed, the province of New Jersey adopted a constitution containing a clause rendering its own instrument automatically null and void as soon as reconciliation was secured. But reconciliation had gone glimmering. A door had slammed that would never be opened, though it seemed often enough in the next few years to be on the point of falling off its hinges. The best of it was that the creators of American freedom had glimpses of their own greatness. They indulged nobly in what at its worst became famous as "Yankee brag," but at its best has been amply justified. The classic importance of the Declaration was not lost upon the men who were closest to it. John Adams said that a greater question "perhaps, never was nor will be decided among men.' " 11 Never dreaming that the Fourth of July would become |