menced, it would have been equally abfurd and improper to communicate it to parliament during its progrefs, unless it was fufpended at fome point, upon which the intervention of parliament became necellary. Thus the negociation between Mr. Pitt and M. de Buffy was not published during its pendency.

The motion was oppofed upon many grounds. It was faid, that it would difcredit the Commiffioners, and throw unexpected difficulties in the way of a negociation, which was probably already begun, and perhaps confiderably advanced. It was now in their hands, in the common, natural, and regular courfe of business; why then undo whatever has been dcne, and difgrace the Commiffioners, by taking it from them, without fome fufficient motive? If it fhould be faid, that the motion would not detract from the powers of the Commiffioners, but, on the contrary, increase them; though the affertion is not admitted, yet other objections equally conclufive would lie against the measure even upon that ground. By giving them the fanction propofed by the motion, it would evidently appear, that they were not before armed with parliamentary powers fufficient to fulfil the profeffed objects of their commiffion; a circumitance which muft naturally excite the jealoufy of the Americans, and fill them with the moft alarming doubts, as to their real views, and the true object of their miffion. Befides, why fhould parliament run before the Commiffioners in their concefions? Who knows but that the Americans would be fatisfied with far lefs than we should here

accord to them? By this premature bounty, we might defeat the endeavours of the Commiffioners to obtain the most advantageous terms for the crown, the parliament, and the trading intereft of this kingdom.

That to revife or repeal laws, under the idea of redreffing the grievances of a people, who totally denied the authority of those laws, and who confequently could not be aggrieved by them, would be an abfurdity of fo fuperlative a degree, as could not fail exciting the ridicule of mankind. The Americans have declared themfelves independent: what avails it to deliberate upon the conceffions, which we are willing, or it is fitting for us to make, until we know whether any conceffion will bring them back to an acknowledgment of our authority? Shall we admit of their independency, by treating with them as fovereign states? or fhall we fubject ourselves to their contempt and derifion, by debating upon the degree of authority which we fhall exercise over thofe, who totally deny our right and power to exercise any?

In a word, faid they, the queftion of independency must first be fettled as a preliminary, before any treaty can be entered into, or any conceffion made. Let them give that up, and acknowledge our legiflative authority, and then we fhall willingly, and with propriety, form legislative regulations for their future eafe and government. But whilft they perfift in their claim of independency, and hurl defiance at us as fovereign states, no treaty can be thought of, and conceffions would be as futile, as ridiculous and difgraceful. Up

on the whole it was finally declared, that until the fpirit of independency was effectually fubdued, it would be idle to enter upon any revifions, or to país any refolutions, as means of conciliation; and that the fword must be first taken out of the hands of the governing part of America, before that purpofe could be accomplished. That the Congress did not at prefent govern America; but heid it enthralled under the most cruel tyranny. That from our late fucceffes, and the difference between the troops which compoled the armies on either fide, there was little room to doubt, that this arbitary power would foon be diffolved, when the great body of the people, finding themfelves emancipated from the cruel yoke of their leaders, and the charm by which they had been blindfolded and mifled, being now at an end, they will return to their duty with as much rapidity, as they had before entered into the revolt. Then will be the time to think of legislative regulations for their future government, and to talk of lenity, forbearance, and even conceffion; at prefent, fuch ideas and fuch language are fruitlefs, if not worse.

The explanations given to reconcile the declaration of the Commiffioners with the rights of parliament, and the refpect due to that body, were by no means fatisfactory to the other fide. They first denied the fact on which the arguments of miniftry were founded; namely, "that the "promife of concurring in the "revifal of laws was a matter of

negociation." It was a power

given previous to any treaty, ei ther in progress, or even in commencement; and the refusal to do what was fo promised, would, inftead of forwarding, prevent any tranfaction of the kind. They laughed at the idea, of the Americans being fatisfied with asking less than we thould voluntarily grant, and the danger of our outdoing their demands by our conceffions. They faid it was an evident mockery. The crown had promifed in this proclamation fomething which without parliament it could not perform."

They infifted that neither the addrefs of 1775, nor any of the documents mentioned, came in any degree up to the matter in queftion. They extended no farther than to the receiving of complaints of grievances, and referring them to the confideration of parliament, that it might judge of their validity, and prefcribe a remedy if neceflary. But the promife in the declaration, if not a piece of hypocrify held out merely to deceive and trepan the Americans, can mean nothing lefs than an engagement on the fide of the crown, for the future conduct of parliament. Nay it goes farther, it engages that parliament fhall act directly contrary to its own opinion, fentiments, and conduct, in which it has repeatedly declared and confirmed them; for as the crown cannot pofiibly have any hare in the revifal of laws, though it has on their being paffed or repealed, the engagement can mean nothing else than the repeal of thofe acts, though all the world knows, that the house has

a matter, on

con

conftantly rejected every overture of that nature, with the highest disdain, and most determined perfeverance.

Nor was the flight and contempt fhewn to parliament lefs in any part of the American bufinels. Though they granted the moft unbounded fupplies without account or enquiry, and lavifhed their conftituents money with a profufion unknown in any other period, yet were they kept totally in the dark in all matters neceflary for their knowledge, and only fhewn at certain times fo much light, as was fufficient to mislead them for fome particular purpofe. Thus, nothing is to be heard from mirifters within these walls, but the heroic language of fubjugation, unconditional fubmiflion, and a war of conqueft. America is to be fubdued; charters are to be modified or annihilated at pleafure; and an effective revenue is to be obtained, fufficient to ren der our own burthens quite eafy. Whilft parliament is thus amufed, and thefe doctrines fecure an irrefiftible party, and the bulk of the people on this fide of the water, the moft moderate meafures and fafcinating promises are held out by the fame minifters on the other fide, and nothing is to be heard in America, but peace, conciliation, and parental tendernefs. If a ftraggling fact finds its, way into the houfe by the aid of a news-paper, we are at one time told that its notoriety rendered a communication of it unneceffary, as by only stepping to New York, any body might have read it there upon the walls of the burning houses; and at another, we are gravely informed, that as Mr.

Pitt did not communicate fome private converfation which paffed between him and M. de Buffy, it would not be fitting to intruft parliament with the fecrets contained in a public proclamation.

But nothing was fo totally reprobated by oppofition, or gave rife to fo much afperity in the debate, as the doctrine of entering into no treaty or negociation with the Americans, until they had refcinded the declaration of independency. This was, they faid, a doctrine founded in cruelty, and crying out for blood. It was telling them in exprefs terms, that they must either furrender their arms, all the rights of freemen, and fubmit to any flavery which it was thought proper to impofe on them, (for unconditional fubmiffion could mean nothing elfe), or they must prepare to endure the utmoft extremities of war, and to fight it out to the laft

man.

They afked upon what precedent this horrid doctrine was founded. Philip the IId of Spain, who was, in his day, confidered as the most gloomy, cruel, and defpotic tyrant in Christendom, when he was in the fame circumftances with the Netherlanders, whom he had alfo forced to a declaration of independency, accommodated, notwithstanding, the extravagance of his pride, and the bitterness of his refentment, to a wifer, as well as more humane policy. He condefcended to treat with those daring rebels, who, by declaring themfelves fovereign and independent, had thrown off all allegiance to him; he, by public edict, admitted their fhips to enter his ports, and

to depart in fafety; he made propofals to these new ftates; and he finally and pofitively declared, that he would redress all their grievances. Our own hiftories, as well as thofe of other nations, both ancient and modern, abound with fuch inftances. What code of history or policy, then, have our minifters made the rule of their prefent conduct ?

But, they faid, that the Americans had been fyftematically and defignedly driven to the prefent extremity. All the measures purfued for a fucceffion of years, tended uniformly to that point. And finally, the commiffion for peace was kept back for feven months, until all poffibility of its producing any effect was at an end, and the Americans, as had been well foreseen, were driven to their last refource of independency. All the bloodshed and devaftation that has fince taken, and that will hereafter take place, it was faid, would lie at the door of the authors of that delay. This it was that laid the noble city of New York in afhes, that covered the plains with flaughter and defolation, and fteeped the bayonets of foreign mercenaries in British blood.

And now having fucceeded in urging them to defperation, to the uttermoft degree of refiftance, and to the laft refort of independency, they bring thefe inevitable confequences of their own measures, as arguments to prove, that nothing but force, the violence of armies, and the extremities of war, can bring them to a reasonable and proper way of thinking and acting; that the fword is the only mode of reafon

ing with Americans; conqueft the only means of rendering them free and happy; and Heffians and Highlanders the most skilful logicians, for enlightening their minds, and convincing their underftanding.

Upon the whole they concluded, that if the house refufed to concur in the propofed motion, it would afford a full conviction to the Americans, that the propofals held out by the Commiffioners were indeed infidious and treacherous;

that no reliance

could for the future be placed, nor conditions of any fort fafely entered into with government, as the latent pretence of a parliamentary negative, would always afford a fanction to the moft fhameful breach of contract and faith; and that all the world would thereby fee with horror, that the different parts of the British government had united in an odious confederacy, for the deteftable purposes of deftroying and exterminating, instead of governing their colonies.

The question being at length put, was rejected upon a divifion by a majority of 109, to 47 only, who fupported the motion.

From this time a great number of the minority, particularly of the Rockingham party, began to relax in their attendance upon parliament in either house; or rather to withdraw themselves wholly and avowedly upon all queftions which related to America, and only to attend upon fuch matters of private bills or bufinefs, in which they had fome particular concern or intereft. This condu&t was fo marked, that fome of the principal leaders

of