ADVERTISEMENTS.

Now Ready, Price 2d., a New Monthly Periodical, devoted to the Advocacy of Great Principles, the Advancement of Useful Institutions, and the Elevation of Man;

A PRESENT TO THE READERS OF REYNOLDS'S SUPPLEMENT TO THE "POLITICAL INSTRUCTOR.',

OR, UNFETTERED THINKER AND PLAIN SPEAKER FOR TRUTH, FREEDOM, AND PROGRESS.

“AND though all the winds of doctrine were let loose to play upon the earth, so Truth be in the field, we do injuriously to misdoubt her strength. Let her and Falsehood grapple! Who ever knew Truth put to the worse, in a free and open encounter?"-Milton's Areopagitica.

No. 4.-Vol. I.] FOR THE WEEK ENDING SATURDAY, JANUARY 26, 1850. [Price One Penny.

PROBABLE WHIG TACTICS FOR 1850.

"The thieves now fight, said the beggar with tears,
But I never shall get back my gown:

Take heart, said his fellow, and banish thy fears-
Take heart, for when rogues fall out by the ears,
Then honest men come by their own!"

Old Ballad.

THE landlords are stark mad with defeat. They have been beaten, with a vengeance, by the manufacturers. Their forebodings, during the CornLaw Repeal Agitation, are woefully realised. They know that they must lower their rents, if they cannot regain Protection'; and they are, manifestly determined to do battle vengefully, for regaining it. All the prophetic declarations of Peel will not deter them; and the defiance of Cobden only irritates them the more. The battle must come, and will come ; and if the Minister will not yield, they will 'move heaven and earth'court influence and obstinate farmers-to obtain a dissolution of Parliament, with a view to try all their strength at a new general election. Already, farmers, in several counties, are dismissing labourers and crowding them upon the unions for relief, to increase the discontent in the agricultural districts.

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On the other hand, Free Trade has failed to give the increased demand for English manufactures that was anticipated; and manufacturers know that a restoration of the tax on foreign corn would renew the still deeper difficulties of past years. What they won with such an enormous and unrelaxing expenditure of struggle, they will not, therefore, tamely give up. The Protectionists' will be met, hand to hand, and knife's point to knife's point-to use a strong figure; and while they din the ears of the Minister for relief according to their interpretation-the manufacturers will be equally loud for Financial Reform.' To support this last cry, however, they know that they must unite it with another that will win the support of the masses-' the Franchise.'

What are the Whig Ministers to do, in such a whirlwind of difficulty? They have an old dodge ready: the pet-measure of the family-throwing out a tub to the whale, and then quitting the ship hastily to get into the boats, and plying all their tackle to capture the monster. A Bill to 'extend the Franchise' is to be brought into the Commons. They will speechify upon it with most magnanimous patriotism-will valorously declare that they will stand by the whole Bill, and nothing but the Bill,' and that they will dissolve, if it be rejected by the other House,' as it was called in Cromwell's days. It will be passed by the Commons—it will be rejected by 'the other House'-the dissolution will take place--and the Whigs will go down to their constituencies to be re-elected, as ill-used and most virtuous patriots-confident, on the strength of their new 'whole Bill,' to be sent back to Parliament with a commanding majority to give them firm possession of office on a renewed lease.

I do not set this down positively-for 'I am no prophet, nor the son of a prophet;' but I think it to be most probable. And if it come to pass, what will the Parliamentary and Financial Reformers' do? Back up the Whigs, I fear, even if the Russell proposition should fall far short of their proposed 'Household Suffrage.' Unless some powerful influence be brought to bear upon their March Conference, and they can be persuaded to declare for Manhood Suffrage.

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But what should the Unfranchised, what should all true Democrats do, if the Whigs take the course I have presumed to set down as probable? Unite, with vigorous resolution, to do all in their power towards securing the return of candidates who bind themselves without reserve to introduce and vote for a Bill, in the opening session of the new Parliament, comprising all the provisions of The People's Charter'-as the only effectual step towards obtaining means for ameliorating the condition of the workingclasses; for relieving shopkeepers and tradesmen, farmers and poorer manufacturers of the weight of taxation which now oppresses them; for abolishing sinecures and undeserved pensions; for lessening the expense of armed bands, kept for slaughter, or for idleness. And the opportunity for doing this successfully, may be such as never occurred before.

THOMAS COOPER.

FRANCE: THE CHAOS OF "ORDER."

THE party of ORDER-a bundle of rods of all length and sizes, bound together by the chains of FEAR-has been for eighteen months triumphant in France. And what has been the result? Has France enjoyed peace, contentment, and equal laws, under its rule? Has the administration of internal affairs been characterised by wisdom, equity, and purity? Has the maintenance of relations with foreign states been just, or generous, or truthful ?-Let facts answer.

Many of the founders of the republic are in exile: the props of the monarchy are in France. The founders of the republic who remain, are exposed to pitiless persecution: the props of the monarchy are promoted to the highest offices. The prefects those janissaries of the presidential ministry-planted in every department of France; exercise absolute power. Local government, the basis of true republican institutions, is in abeyance: central government, the curse of nations, penetrates into every village of the republic.

To the prefects has been confided the task of repressing democratic, and uprooting socialist, opinions. Removable at pleasure; chosen for their docility to the dictates of authority; or, for the eminent services they rendered under the monarchy of July, or, for the tact and resolution they displayed in carrying out that system of corruption and intimidation, which has made the reign of Louis Philippe only another expression for infamy; the prefects who from necessity have, can have, and must have, no political principles, are at once the fitting spies and the willing instruments of the central government. It is theirs to watch the suspected; it is theirs to control the press; to pursue, arrest, imprison, and fine the hawkers of socialist and democratic publications; to instruct the men of law whom to proceed against; to spy into the privacy of citizens who are supposed to have a copy of this or that prohibited publication; to direct the armed police to invade, on the slightest pretext, the homes of Frenchmen; to romage among their papers, to read their letters, to force their bureaus. It is theirs to dismiss every public functionary under their

orders from his post, who is suspected of republicanism; it is theirs, in fine, to play the petty despot over the whole territory of France, certain that dismissal attends on moderation alone, and reward on severity and oppression.

Lately, the majority of the assembly-the party of ORDER-has thought fit to place in the hands of these men the entire control of the education of the People. As the laws against the Press originated by the Cavaignac Ministry in 1848, surpassed in rigour the laws of September, originated by M. Thiers, so the new law upon public instruction, originated by the ministry of Louis Napoleon, exceeds in severity that of M. Guizot passed in 1833! And these are the guarantees of Order!' Guarantees? It is written in the world's history that such guarantees are the progenitors of revolutions and the destroyers of thrones!

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And foreign relations? Without waste of words they may be described in one sentence: the nephew of Napoleon, the King-dethroner, the Kingmaker, and the King-compeller, vails his plumed hat before the thrones, and places the sword of France at the disposal of the Red Monarchies of Europe: and his policy comes within the compass of two words-treachery and impotence.

It is chaos which the boasted victory of the party of" Order" has brought forth. It is chaos-disorder-which is the fruit of their labour. The tranquillity of France is specious. The policy which has called up this apparition never founded anything. Laws of repression, exacted by circumstances; measures of vengeance, provoked by hatred, and carried out by vindictiveness; temporary expedients, engendered in the extremity of fear,— never yet produced ought but forced submission and deceptive security. Power which attempts to perpetuate itself by the sword, forges bolts for its own destruction. Power, which builds its palace upon foundations cemented by corruption, digs its own grave. Power, which reposes upon a legislative majority composed of warring interests, opposing ideas, and incompatible factions, bound together, for the moment, by fear, needs only time and accident to effect its overthrow. Such are the characteristics of the power at present existing in France; such are the elements upon whose coherent operation our destiny depends. Coherent operation! But what can it operate? Nothing but what we have before stated:-injustice, tyranny, uncertainty, repression-in one word,-chaos.

They

For our own part-say all true democrats-if we were disposed to look upon these things from a cynical point of view, and were prepared to root out our sympathies for suffering humanity; if we could obliterate from our moral sense the hatred we feel for injustice, under every form, we should be disposed to rejoice in the present measures pursued by the legislative and executive powers in France. For these measures only try the people, though after a fashion in which no people ought ever to be tried. They only test the strength of the faith which is in the French democracy; though after a fashion in which no faith ought ever to be tested. only furnish fresh and stinging incitements to exertion and resistance; for suffering is-like strong drink to the strong-a source of terrible strength. These measures only impose upon true democrats, as a point of honour, a dictate of duty, the necessity of conquering power, by physical or moral means by physical, if the domination of priest and prefect becomes unbearable; by moral, if republican endurance can wear out that domination. Which of these two means shall be employed, depends upon the conduct of the ruling power. If the party of "Order" should continue in the ways of Guizot, and perist in the "policy of resistance," they will force the

To Correspondents.

Correspondents will please address "Thomas Cooper, 5, Park Row, Knightsbridge,

London."

G. W., MARGATE.-Much obliged by his favour, and shall be glad to hear from him again. The 'Eight Letters' are already collected, and republished, at sixpence. He will observe the advertisement on the last page of the present number.

W. T., and 'SIC VALEAS.-This Journal is published in London every Tuesday afternoon, in time for the despatch of parcels to country Agents; and plenty of posters are always supplied to the London Agents.

F. R., Islington. The song is not perfect enough for insertion. The writer may rely upon it that so far from being an objection, his muse would recommend itself to me, by the fact of his being "only a poor shoemaker." Let him not be discouraged. Excelsior!' W. H., Gateshead.--If America' had been counted for one of the four quarters of the world,' in a writing attributed to Irenæus, (A. D. 180,) it would amount to an argument against the authenticy of such writing; but the genuineness of the writings of Irenæus is not questioned. Some of the ancients divided the world into-Europe, Africa, and the Greater and Lesser Asia; others into-Europe, Asia, Africa, and Libya. 'Osmond Martin;' X. Y. Z.; Homo;'S. R.;' and several other correspondents, are most respectfully informed that their letters on the proposed PROGRESS UNION are omitted for want of room. Even the letters inserted in this number have been, unavoidably, abbreviated. I am obliged to all for their communications; but they must allow me to make such selections as will afford variety.

'Slave of the Last,' Chesterfield. Am glad to hear of your beginning. Go on, and prosper.

N.B.—The letter in last number signed 'Thomas Porter,' should have borne the signature of Thomas Shorter.'

'Crime: its causes and cure,' by D. Maginnis-received.

Lectures, in London, for the present and ensuing Week.

WEDNESDAY, Jan. 23, at half-past 8: Mech. Inst., Gould-sq., Crutched Friars: 'Raleigh, and the Age of Elizabeth'-Thomas Cooper.

SUNDAY, Jan. 27, at 11: Farringdon Hall: a Lecture-Robert Owen. At 7: 'Causes and Consequences of European Revolutions: R. Buchanan. At 7: Literary Inst., Johnstreet, Fitzroy-sq., 'The Commonwealth, and Oliver Cromwell-Thomas Cooper. At 7: Hall of Science, City Road: a Lecture-Thomas Shorter.

MONDAY, Jan. 28, at a quarter to 9: Finsbury Hall, 66, Bunhill Row: 'Primeval Human History'-G. Hedger. At 8: Temperance Hall, Broadway, Westminster: 'The Wrongs of Ireland'-Thomas Cooper. At half-past 8: Mech. Inst., Gould-sq.: 'Astronomy'-Albert Pennington.

WEDNESDAY, Jan. 30, at half-past 8: Mech. Inst., Gould-sq.: 'Life and Character of Sir Isaac Newton'-Thomas Cooper.

CARD PLAYING.-It is very wonderful to see persons of the best sense passing away a dozen hours together in shuffling and dividing a pack of cards, with no other conversation but what is made up of a few game phrases, and no other ideas but those of black or red spots ranged together in different figures. Would not a man laugh to hear any one of his species complaining that life is short?-Spectator. CARDS.-I have seen melancholy overspread a whole family at the disappointment of a party for cards: and when, after the proposal of a thousand schemes, and the dispatch of footmen upon a hundred messages, they have submitted with gloomy resignation to the misfortune of passing one evening in conversation with each other, on a sudden (such are the revolutions of the world) an unexpected visitor has brought them relief, acceptable as provisions to a starving city, and enabled them to hold out till the next day.-Johnson.

PREJUDICES AND HABITS.-The confirmed prejudices of a thoughtful life are as hard to change as the confirmed habits of an indolent life; and as some must trifle away age because they trifled away youth, others must labour on in a maze of error because they have wandered there too long to find their way out.-Bolingbroke.