-Adduces the instance of the advantages resulting to the Scotch from their Union with England, in proof of the benefits to be expected from a similar measure by Ireland -Proposes eight resolutions, as the ground-work of an Union-Mr. Sheridan opposes them-He compliments Mr. Pitt as an orator, but condemns him as a statesmanMoves an amendment, which is rejected by 140 votes against 15-Resumed debate on the question-The Union opposed by Mr. St. John Mr. Grey's speech in opposition to it-Is answered by Mr. Dundas-Mr. Sheridan asserts that, if a sovereignty does not rest in the people, the House of Brunswick are usurpers-Adduces the revolution of 1688 in support of his position-The revolution proved to afford no sanction to such a principle-No appeal was made to the people on that occasion- Mr. Sheridan's own authority quoted to prove that the revolution was effected in contradiction to the sentiments of a majority of the people-Mr. Windham corrects a gross mistake on the part of Mr. Sheridan-He ridicules the preposterous notion of the sovereignty of the people-Reflections on that subject-The House of Lords concur in the resolutions of the Commons-They are carried up to the ThroneCurious specimen of British philanthropy-Resolutions transmitted to Ireland-Irish Parliament proroguedRenewal of the discussions on the Union in 1800-The Catholics of Dublin pass resolutions against the UnionThe Irish Parliament meet-Motion of Sir Lawrence Parsons, deprecating an Union, rejected by a majority of forty-two-Message from the Viceroy, recommending an Union to the consideration of Parliament-Lord Case tlereagh's speech, in support of the measure-Proposes a coropensation for the loss of Parliamentary interest -Thoughts on the subject-Contends that nothing but an Union can establish the security of the Protestant Church in Ireland-Remarks on the effect of the Union

on the question of Catholic emancipation-Mistatement respecting the relative numbers of Protestants and Romanists corrected-No pledge nor promise made by Mr. Pitt, or by his authority, to support the Catholic claims-The whole of the British Cabinet of that day appealed to in support of this fact-The Union most violently opposed by Mr. Grattan -He devotes the British Minister to "an immortality of eternal infamy"-His speech aptly characterized by an absentee Specimen of Mr. George Ponsonby's eloquence -He pronounces the House of Commons to be mad, and expresses his fears of being bitten-Sir John Parnell moves an address to the King, to dissolve the Parliament -The motion rejected by the House-Decision in favour of an Union carried by 158 votes against 115-The Irish House of Commons defended from the charge of inconsistency on this question-Debates on the same subject, in the Irish House of Lords-Lord Clare's speech-The Union voted by a large majority-The King's message to the British Parliament, communicating the Irish resolutions-Debates on the question-Mr. Pitt's speechExplains his sentiments on the subject of Parliamentary Reform, and his reasons for the change which had taken place in his opinions on that question-Moves an address to the King-Mr. Grey opposes the address-Mr. Pitt's reply-The address carried in both Houses, and the Union finally determined.

THE unsettled state of Ireland had long occupied the most serious attention of Mr. Pitt, every effort of whose comprehensive mind was directed to the discovery of some adequate means for composing the troubles which had so long distracted that unhappy country, for

removing the evils which seemed to frustrate the benevolent intentions of nature, and for rendering her a sound and wholesome member of the British empire. Indeed, the necessity of such an alteration as would afford, at least, a fair probability of producing this beneficial effect, had long been obvious. Whoever had attended to the situation of Ireland from the first period of her connection with England, to the rebellion of 1798,-whoever had examined her history during that period, could not refuse to acknowledge this truth. Not only the tranquillity and prosperity of Ireland herself, but the grand object of consolidating the strength of the empire, pointed out the wisdom and expediency of such a change. In the infancy of this connection, the native Irish harboured the most implacable hatred against the English colonists, whom they considered as their conquerors and their oppressors; and though, at different times, they submitted themselves to the British Monarchs, and swore fealty and allegiance to them, they never failed to embrace every favourable opportunity for throwing off their yoke, and for expelling the English from their country. The pride of independence rendered the Irish insensible to the advantages of a connection with a wise and civilized nation; while their barbarous mode of life, and that indul

gence in licentiousness of every kind, which their municipal laws not only tolerated but encouraged, made them extremely averse from those salutary restraints which the more sober discipline of English domination imposed.

After the Reformation, this enmity was considerably heightened by religious rancour, and the Irish had, on various occasions, recourse to the Pope, and to the Kings of France and of Spain, to enable them to effect, what they could not hope to achieve without foreign assistance, the expulsion of the English, and the separation of their native country from Great Britain. In the reign of Elizabeth, the natives of Irish and of English blood, between whom a violent antipathy had previously existed, first began to unite, and to coalesce under the banners of religion;* and this coalition was completely effected in the reign of our first Charles, when it appeared that all the Catholics,† both of

*Fynes Morrison, who was secretary to Lord Mountjoy, said, that the Lords of the Pale, all of English blood, were wavering; and the Earl of Desmond and his relations were attainted for rebellion.

+ Hugh Oge Macmahon, one of the leading conspirators, who was apprehended in Dublin, on the night of the 22d of October, confessed, That all the lords and gentlemen in the kingdom that were papists were engaged in the plot, and that all the Protestants were to be killed that night." His evidence was confirmed by that of many other rebels.

English and Irish descent, joined in the dreadful rebellion of 1641, the object of which was to separate Ireland from England, and to extirpate the Protestants. The same hostile disposition was manifested in the two subsequent reigns; and it is a lamentable fact, which speaks more than a volume of comments, that the only period of real tranquillity in Ireland, for the greater part of three centuries, was that during which the penal laws were in force, which laws were not enacted till after the revolution.

It has been observed, by one of the most able and intelligent of our historians, "that the religious spirit, when it mingles with faction, contains in it something supernatural and unaccountable, and, that, in its operation on society, effects correspond less to their known. causes, than is found in any other circumstances of government." The truth of this observation has been fully established by the example of every country in which,religious feuds have prevailed, and by none more strongly than by that of Ireland. We are told, by Lord Strafford, in his State Letters on Ireland, during his Viceroyalty, that the Romish Priests and the Jesuits, in order to prevent the return of Protestant members to Parliament, previous to the rebellion of 1641, charged their flocks, at their VOL. VI.

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