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there was no sacrament in this marriage. that appear so plainly, that I have more resThis having been the commion doctrine of son to complain of his sincerity, than of his the church of Rome, some remnant of that judgment. might bave too great an effect on Cranmer. His next exception is, that I give abstracts But if the consenting to an unjust sentence, of the reasons on which the proceedings in in a time of much heat, and of general con- the Reformation were grounded. He thinks sternation, is so criminal a thiug, what will that in this, I plead as an advocate, and do he make of Liberius, Filix, Ossius, and many not write as a bistorian. I do believe there more, whose names are in the Roman calen- are few things in my History with which he dar. The carrying this too far, will go a is more displeased than this. I give no reagreat way to the justifying the Luciferians. sons of my own making, nor do I put speeches Whatever may be in this, I had opened the in the mouths of our reformers, though if I matter of Aune of Cleve so impartially, that had done this, he knows that I could hare I deserve no censure on that account. said that I followed the precedents set me
After be had attacked the matter of my by the best writers of history, both among History in these particulars, he falls next the Greeks and the Romans. But since I upon my way of writing. In this, I confess, was engaged to write of a Reformation of I am not so much concerned, for if the things errors in doctrine, and of abuses in worship are truly related by me, I can very easily and government, I inust have been very debear all the reflections that he can lay on my fective, if I had not set out the reasous upon way of writing. But that he may censure which those of that time went, as well as I me with a better grace, he bestows some related the series of what was done by them. good words on me. He is not displeased with Both Father Paul, and Cardinal Palaricini, my preface, and the beginning of my work: in the histories that they wrote of the Counbut all these hopes were soon blasted. I fall into cil of Trent, have related the arguments used a detail of little stories, with which he was quite of all sides very copiously. In political disgusted. Yet if he had considered this matters, the chief use and beauty of history better, he would have been milder in his cen- is, the laying open the secret reasons of state, sure. My design was to shew, what seeds upon which all parties have proceeded : and and dispositions were still in the minds of certainly those who write concerning matters many in this nation, that prepared them for of religion, ought to open all that comes in a Reformation, in the beginning of King their way, of the grounds on which any Henry's reign, before ever Luther bad preach- changes were made. ed in Germany, and several years before that He thinks all the King's reasonings for the King's divorce came to be treated of in Eng- divorce were fully answered by Queen Cacheland. I therefore judged it was necessary nine's reasons against it. But he does not for me to let the reader know what I found consider that he is in a communion, in which in our registers of those matters : how that tradition is set up, as that which must decide many were tried, and some condemned upon all controversies. King Henry's arguments those opinions, that were afterwards reckoned run all upon tradition, whereas the Queen among the chief grounds of our separating pretended to no tradition, but only brought from the church of Rome. It seemed a ne. arguments of another sort, which was the cessary introduction to my work, to open this way of those called heretics : but in that as I found it upon record. My censurer matter the King insisted upon tradition, the blames me for not opening more copiously great topic of papists. He censures me for what the opinions of the Lollards and the bringing a Jew on the stage, after I had set Wicklifists were: he may see in these Arti- out the opinions of the universities : but it cles that I mention, what the clergy were seemed very reasonable to shew the notions then charging them with, and what was con- that the Jews had of their own laws. fessed by those, who were brought into their He returns again to reflections on the dicourts. I wrote in English for my own coun- vorce of Anne of Cleve t seems he had trymen. There are many books that give a few things to reflect on, when in so short a very particular account of Wickliff, and his paper he returns twice to the same matter, followers: this being so well known, it was From her he passes to Anne Bullen; he fannot necessary for me to run this matter up to cies my whole design in writing, was to estaits original; all that was incumbent on me, blish her descent : but that I do not acquit was to shew the present state of that party, ber mother of the imputations Sanders had and their opinions and sufferings in the be- laid on her; nor herself of the amours in the ginning of the reign of King Henry : so that court of France, and King Henry's ill coma fair judge will not think that a few pages merce with her. If the crown of England spent in opening this, was too great an im- bad remained in a line derived from that position on his patience : this having such a Queen, it might be supposed that some would relation to my main design in writing. It is have wrote on such a design: but that not be, and not I, that has transgressed Poly- being the case, there is little reason to think bius's rule : he considers these particulars as that any man would have given himself the little stories, without observing the end for trouble, only on design to justify her title to which I set them down; though I have made the crown. I have made it fully out that a great part of Sanders's charge on her, was to find fault, he could not find much matter an ill-invented calumny, to bring her right to for his spleen to work on, when in so short a the crown in question : and by proving some paper be is forced to return in three several part of bis relation to be false, I have de places to the article of the divorce of Anne stroyed the credit of the whole. I cannot be of Cleve: and he shews such an inclination obliged to prove the negative in every parti- to censure, that I have no reason to think cular, the proof lies upon the affirmative, and he would have spared me, if he had found the author of a train of defamation is suffi. greater matters to have objected to me. So ciently disproved, when it is apparent that all be says that seems to intimate that, must some parts of his relation must certainly be pass for words of course, which ought to make false. If any of these slanders had been in no impression. any sort believed in that time, there is no reason to think that the Pope or the Emperor would have neglected to publish them : for the court of Romne kept none of the measures
III.--Some remarks sent me by an of common decency with the King. Nor
unknown person. were these things objected to Anne Boleyn KEILWAY's Reports were published 1609, after that her unhappy fate gave some colour by Jo. Crook, who was afterwards a judge. to believe every thing to her prejudice. Her He gives a character of Keilway, as a lawyer brother and she did both at their death deny of good reputation; and that he was surveyall criminal commerce together: nor was or of the courts of wards in Queen Elizabeth's any thing proved against them, only the tes- reign. It appears that the King's ordering timony of a dead woman was alleged to the Attorney General to confess Dr. Horsey's destroy them.
plea, without bringing the matter to a trial, His last charge relates to More and Fisher; was plainly a contrivance to please the clerbut how this comes to support his censure of gy, and to stifle that matter without bringing my manner of writing is not so clear. I seem it to a trial, and so must have satisfied them in these matters to write like one that in- better than if he had pardoned him. Little tended to raise their character, rather than regard is to be given to Rastall, who shewed to de press it: nor do I justify King Henry's his partiality in matters in which the Pope's violences, but set them out as there is occa- authority was concerned ; for, in his edition sion for it. More knew a law was made, re- of the Statutes at Large, he omitted one act quiring the subjects to swear to the King as of parliament made in the second year of Supreme Head, under the pain or perpetua. Richard the Second, cap. 6. which is thus imprisonment ; upon which he ought to bave abridged by Poulton. Urban was duly chogone out of England, since he resolved not sen Pope, and so ought to be accepted and to take the oath. Fisher knew that the Nun obeyed : upon which the Lord Coke in his of Canterbury had in very indecent words institutes, p. 274. infers, that antiently acts of foretold the King's death, and had not re- parliament were made concerning the highest vealed it as he ought to have done.
spiritual matters ; but it seems Rastall had He says my History reflects much on the no mind to let that be known. He was a memory of King Henry. I did not under- judge ia Queen Mary's time, but went beyond take to write a panegyric on him, but only to sea, and lived in Flanders in Queen Elizawrite the history of that time : in doing this, beth's reign, and there he wrote and printed as I have discovered the injustice of many his Book of Entries. scandals that have been cast on bim, so I have There is a very singular instance in the not spared to lay open many ill practices, Year Book, 43. Edward III. 33. 6. by which when I was obliged to do it, by that impar- it appears, that the Bishop of Litchfield was tial sincerity to which I obliged myself when sometimes called the Bishop of Chester; I undertook that work : though he charges for a quare impedit was brought by the King me as biassed by partiality, a censure I de- against him, called Bishop of Chester: the served not. Bit I do more easily submit to judgment given at the end of it is, that he his charging me with my ignorance of law, should go to the great devil. This is a singuand of ecclesiastical antiquity. Such generallar instance of an extraordinary judgment; censures are little to be regarded : when he there being no precedent like it in all our is at leisure to reckon up the particulars in records. which I have erred, I sball be very glad to be In Brook's Abridgment, Tit. Præmunire,sect. instructed by him. For though I have looked 21, it is said, Thai Barlow bad, in the reign a little into law, and ecclesiastical history, of Edward the Sixth, deprived the Dean of yet I value myself upon nothing but my sin- Wells (wbich was a donative), and had therecerity. It is very easy to lay a detracting by incurred a præmunire ; and that he was character in some general words upon any forced to use means to obtain his pardon : so person. The artifice is so commonly prac. if he had not his bishoprick confirmed, by a tised, that it will not pass upon any but those new grant of it, he must have lost it, in a judg. who by some prejudices are prepared to take ment against him in a præmunire. And if be down every thing that is boldly asserted. It wrote any such book, it was in order to the seems that how a great a mind soever he had obtaining his pardon. Brook was chief jus. tice of the Common-Pleas, in the first of Queen for by a letter of Sampson's it appeare, that Mary : but yet it is no ways probable that Barlow did feebly promise to be reconciled to Barlow wrote any such book as is mentioned the Church of Rome: but it seems, that was p. 428 of the second volume of the History only an effect of weakness, since he quickly of the Reformation : for he went out of Eng. got beyond sea ; into wbich the Privy-Council land, and came back in the first of Queen made an inquiry: that shews, tbat he repented Elizabeth. He assisted in the consecration of that which was extorted from him. of Archbishop Parker, and was made bishop of Chichester; which probably would not have “ There are in this paper some quotations been done, if he had written any such book, out of Harmer's Specimen, on which general unless he had made a public recantation of it; remarks are made, but particulars are not which I do not find tbat he did. So there is added. The writer of this has not thought fit reason to believe, that was a book put out in to name himself to me; so I can give no other his nama by some papist, on design to cast a description of him, but that he seems to be a reproach on the Reformation. This is further person who has studied the law, and perused confirmed, by what I have put in the History: our historians carefully.”
RECORDS AND PAPERS THAT ARE IN THE COLLECTION,
With which the Places in the History to which they relate are marked. The First
Number, with the Letter C. is the Page of the Collection; the Second, with the Letter
FIRST VOLUME OF THE HISTORY.
sali, directing him to make pre-
sents at Rome . . . . . .
| 10. The decretal bull that was de-
sired in the King's cause . . .
18 | 11. The Cardinal's letter to John
Cassali concerning it ...
12. Staphileus's letter to the Car-
. . . . . . . . .
13. The Cardinal's letter to Cam-
pegio ......... ib.
14. The Cardinal's letter to Cassali,
desiring a decretal bull might be
sent over . . . . . . . . 22
15. The breve of Pope Julius for the
King's marriage suspected to be
forged . . . . . . . . . ib.
16. A part of the Cardinal's letter
to G. Cassali, desiring leave to
sbew the decretal bull to some of
the King's council ..... 23
17. John Cassali's letter concerning
18. The Pope's letter to the Car-
dinal,giving credence to Campana, 27
19. A part of Peter Vannes'instruc-
tions, directing him to threaten
the Pope . . . . . .
20. The Cardinal's letter to the am-
bassadors, concerning his promo-
tion to the popedom . . . . ib. 102
Pope concerning the divorce . . 28104
22. The second part of a long dis
patch of the Cardinal's concern-
ing the divorce . . . . . . 29 105
| 23. Another dispatch to the same
purpose . . . . . . . . 34 108
24. A letter from the two Legates to
25. Another dispatch to Rome con-
1 cerning it . . . . . . . . 41 112
26. A letter from the Pope to the
Cardinal . . . . . . . . 43 ib.
27. The King's letter to bis ambas-
the suit . . . . . . . . 16. 11
28. The King's letter concerning his
3. Some particulars relating to the
Sect. 1. Of the preambles of some
surrenders ... 80 308, 383
2. A list of religious houses
that were of new founded
by the King, after the act
for their dissolution . . 80 S60
3. A list of all the surren-
ders of monasteries which
are extant . . . . . ib. 583
4. The confessions made by
. 48 139
some abbots .... 84 981
5. Ofthe manner of suppres-
sing the monasteries af-
ter they were surrendered, 85 431
4. Queen Anne Boleya's last let.
ter to King Henry : ..., 87 332
5. The judgment of the convoca-
tion concerning general councils, 88 353
6. Instructions for a visitation of
monasteries, in order to their dis-
solution . . . . . . . . 89 357
7. Instructions given by the King
to the clergy. . . . . . .
Shaxton, bishop of Sarum. .. 92 387
9. The sentence given out by Pope
Paul 111. against King Heury", 94 395
concerning the King's supremacy, 100 400
by Cromwell ....... 101 401
| Cranmer . . . . . . . . 103 411
| Bishop of Landaff, directing how
14. The commission by which Bon-
| King . . . . . . . . . 104
15. The King's letters-patents for
printing the Bible in English. .105 434
16. The attainder of Thomas Crom-
well . . . . . . . . . ib. 446
17. Cromwell's letter to the King
Anne of Cleve. . . . . 109 450, 459
about it . . . . . . . . 111 450
19. The judgment of the convocation
annulling it . . . . . . . ib. 451
20. Anne of Cleve's letter to her bro-
21. The resolutions of several bi-
shops and divines concerning the
22. Dr. Barnes's renunciation of
some articles informed against him, 135 475
23. The foundation of the bishop-
rick of Westminster. . . . . ib. 489
24. A proclamation for the English
Bible to be set up in all churches, 158 486
ner for all that came to read the