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siderations. The alliance with Francis necessarily engaged James to maintain peace with England. But though invited by his uncle Henry to confer with him at Newcastle, and concert common measures for repressing the ecclesiastics in both kingdoms, and shaking off the yoke of Rome, he could not be prevailed on, by entering England, to put himself in the king's power. In order to have a pretext for refusing the conference, he applied to the pope, and obtained a brief, forbidding him to engage in any personal negotiations with an enemy of the holy see. From these measures Henry easily concluded, that he could very little depend on the friendship of his nephew. But those events took not place till some time after our present period.

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Wolsey.

p. 28. Strype, vol. i. p. 93. with App. No. 23, 24, &c.

20 Lord Herbert, p. 221.

Burnet,

Fiddes's Life of

p. 59.
21 Herbert, p. 225.

4 Rymer, vol. xiv. 192. 203. Heylin, 22 Burnet, p. 58. p. 3.

5 Burnet.

Fiddes.

6 Burnet, vol. i. p. 38. Stowe, p. 548. 7 Le Grand, vol. iii. p. 46. 166. 168. Saunders. Heylin, p. 4.

6 Burnet, vol. i. p. 38. Strype, vol. i. p. 88.

9 Camden's Preface to the Life of Elizabeth. Burnet, vol. i. p. 44.

10 Collier, Eccles. Hist. vol. ii. p. 25. from the Cott. Lib. Vitel. p. 9.

11 Burnet, vol. i. p. 47.

12 Rymer, vol. xiv. p. 237.

Strype,

vol. i. p. 110. 111 Append. No. 28.

23 Rymer, vol. xiv. p. 270.

24 Burnet, vol. i. p. 63.
25 Herbert, p. 225.

p. 69.

Burnet, vol. i.

26 Burnet, vol. i. p. 73. Hall. Stowe,
p. 543.
27 Herbert.

28 Burnet, vol. i. p. 35.
29 Rymer, vol. xiii. p. 81.
30 Burnet, vol. i. p. 76, 77.
31 Herbert, p 254.

32 Burnet, vol. i. p. 75.

13 Collier, from Cott. Lib. Vitel. B. 10. 33 Collier, vol. ii. p. 45. Burnet, vol. i.

14 Burnet, vol. i. p. 51.

15 Father Paul, lib. i.

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Guicciardini.

19 Lord Herbert. Burnet, vol. i. p. 29. in the collect. Le Grand, vol. iii.

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45 Herbert.

Burnet.

Heylin,

46 Wood, Hist. and Ant. Ox. lib. i. p. 225.

47 Burnet, vol. i. p. 6.

48 Rymer, vol. xiv. p. 405. vol. i. p. 95.

49 Rymer, vol. xiv. p. 454. 472. 50 Burnet, vol. i. p. 94.

51 Cavendish. Stowe, p. 554 52 Cavendish.

53 Antiq. Brit. Eccles. p. 325. vol. i. p. 106.

94 Holinshed, p. 923

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66 Le Grand, vol. iii. p. 566.
67 Burnet, vol. ii. p. 133. Guicciardini,

Burnet. 68 Father Paul, lib. i.

Burnet,

69 Father Paul, lib. i.

70 Burnet, vol. i. p. 144.

71 Le Neve's Fasti Eccles. Angl. 72 25 Hen. VIII. c. 19.

73 Collier, vol. ii. p. 69, 70.

74 Collier's Eccles. Hist. vol. ti 75 Burnet, vol. i. p. 156.

76 96 Hen. VIII. c. 1

CHAPTER XXXI.

Religious Principles of the People....of the King....of the Ministers....Farther Progress of the Reformation.... Sir Thomas More....The Maid of Kent.... Trial and Execution of Fisher, Bishop of Rochester....of Sir Thomas More ....King excommunicated........ Death of Queen Catherine.... Suppression of the lesser Monasteries.... A Parliament....A Convocation.... Translation of the Bible.... Disgrace of Queen Anne.... Her Trial, and Execution.... A Parliament....A Convocation.... Discontents among the People.... Insurrection.... Birth of Prince Edward, and Death of Queen Jane..........Suppression of the greater Monasteries.... Cardinal Pole.

THE ancient and almost uninterrupted opposition of

interests between the laity and clergy in England, and between the English clergy and the court of Rome, had sufficiently prepared the nation for a breach with the sovereign pontiff; and men had penetration enough to discover abuses, which were plainly calculated for the temporal advantages of the hierarchy, and which they found destructive of their own. These subjects seemed proportioned to human understanding; and even the people, who felt the power of interest in their own breast, could perceive the purpose of those numerous inventions, which the interested spirit of the Roman pontiff had introduced into religion. But when the reformers proceeded thence to dispute concerning the nature of the sacraments, the operations of grace, the terms of acceptance with the Deity, men were thrown into amaze. ment, and were during some time at a loss how to chuse their party. The profound ignorance in which both the clergy and laity formerly lived, and their freedom from theological altercations, had produced a sincere but indolent acquiescence in received opinions; and the multitude were neither attached to them by topics of reasoning, nor by those prejudices and antipathies against opponents, which have ever a more natural and powerful influence over them. As soon, therefore, as a new opinion was advanced, supported by such an authority as to call up their attention, they felt their capacity totally unfitted for

such disquisitions; and they perpetually fluctuated between the contending parties. Hence the quick and violent movements by which the people were agitated, even in the most opposite directions: hence their seeming prostitution, in sacrificing to present power the most sacred principles and hence the rapid progress during some time, and the sudden as well as entire check soon after, of the new doctrines. When men were once settled in their particular sects, and had fortified themselves in a habitual detestation of those who were denominated heretics, they adhered with more obstinacy to the principles of their education; and the limits of the two religions thenceforth remained fixed and unchangeable.

Nothing more forwarded the first progress of the reformers, than the offer which they made, of submitting all religious doctrines to private judgment, and the summons given every one to examine the principles formerly imposed upon him. Though the multitude were totally unqualified for this undertaking, they yet were highly pleased with it. They fancied that they were exercising their judgment, while they opposed to the prejudices of ancient authority, more powerful prejudices of another kind. The novelty itself of the doctrines; the pleasure of an imaginary triumph in dispute; the fervent zeal of the reformed preachers; their patience and even alacrity in suffering persecution, death and torments; a disgust at the restraints of the old religion; an indignation against the tyranny and interested spirit of the ecclesiastics; these motives were prevalent with the people, and by such considerations were men so generally induced during that age to throw off the religion of their ancestors.

But in proportion as the practice of submitting religion to private judgment was acceptable to the people, it appeared in some respects dangerous to the rights of sovereigns, and seemed to destroy that implicit obedience on which the authority of the civil magistrate is chiefly founded. The very precedent, of shaking so ancient and deep founded an establishment as that of the Romish hierarchy, might, it was apprehended, prepare the way

for other innovations. The republican spirit which naturally took place among the reformers increased this jealousy. The furious insurrections of the populace, excited by Muncer and other anabaptists in Germany,1 furnished a new pretence for decrying the reformation. Nor ought we to conclude, because protestants in our time prove as dutiful subjects as those of any other communion, that therefore such apprehensions were altogether without any shadow of plausibility. Though the liberty of private judgment be tendered to the disciples of the reformation, it is not in reality accepted of; and men are generally contented to acquiesce implicitly in those establishments, however new, into which their early education has thrown them.

No prince in Europe was possessed of such absolute authority as Henry, not even the pope himself, in his own capital, where he united both the civil and ecclesiastical powers [See note L, at the end of this Vol.]; and there was small likelihood that any doctrine which lay under the imputation of encouraging sedition could ever pretend to his favour and countenance. But besides this political jealousy, there was another reason which inspired this imperious monarch with an aversion to the reformers. He had early declared his sentiments against Luther; and having entered the lists in those scholastic quarrels, he had received from his courtiers and theologians infinite applause for his performance. Elated by his imaginary success, and blinded by a natural arrogance and obstinacy of temper, he had entertained the most lofty opinion of his own erudition; and he received with impatience, mixed with contempt, any contradiction to his sentiments. Luther also had been so imprudent as to treat in a very indecent manner his royal antagonist; and though he afterwards made the most humble submissions to Henry, and apologized for the vehemence of his former expressions, he never could efface the hatred which the king had conceived against him and his doctrines. The idea of heresy still appeared detestable as well as formidable to that prince; and whilst his resentment against

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