a circumstance of the utmost advantage to the morals and manners of the age. To this may be added the destruction of many barbarous, absurd, and superstitious dogmas, by which the people were induced to believe that crimes could be commuted for money, and dispensation s purchased even for the premeditated commission of sins.'

But perhaps the most important advantage derived from the reformation, is to be found in the great example of freedom of enquiry, which was thus exhibited to the world, and which has produced an incalculable effect on the state and condition of mankind. That liberty of opinion which was at first exercised only on religious subjects, was, by a natural and unavoidable progress, soon extended to those of a political nature. Throughout many of the kingdoms of Europe, civil and religious liberty closely accompanied each other; and its inhabitants, in adopting those measures which seemed to them necessary to secure their eternal happiness, have at least obtained those temporal advantages, which in many instances, have amply repaid them for their sacrifices and their labours.'

That these and similar advantages, were, however, in a great degree counterbalanced by the dreadful animosities to which the reformation gave rise, as well between the reformers and the adherents to the ancient discipline, as between the different denominations of the reformed churches cannot be denied; and the annals of Europe exhibit a dreadful picture of war, desolation and massacre, occasioned by the various struggles of the contending parties, for the defence or the establishment of their respective opinions. Whoever adverts to the cruelties exercised on the Anabaptists, the Socinians, and various other sects of Christians, who differ in some abstruse or controverted points from the established churches; whoever surveys the criminal code of the Lutheran and Calvinistic nations of Europe, and observes the punishments denounced against those who may dare to dissent, although upon the sincerest conviction, from the established creed, and considers the dangers to which they are exposed in some countries, and the disabilities by which they are stigmatised and oppressed in others, must admit that the important object, which the friends and promoters of rational liberty had in view, has hitherto been but imperfectly accomplished, and that the human mind, a slave in all ages, has rather changed its master, than freed itself from its servitude." pp. 58-61.

The reader, from the tenor of several of these remarks, will probably not find it difficult to ascertain the religious sentiments of Mr. R. and will therefore the more easily account for the particular shade and colouring, which he has contrived to give to this controversy.

On a general view of Mr. R.'s work, perhaps every one will allow that he possesses a peculiar facility in developing character, and when his mind is not warped by religious antipathies or partialities his decisions seem deserving of the greatest credit. He never fails, in appreciating personal merit, to pay great attention to the channel through which praise or blame is conveyed, and by impartially comparing evidence he will seldom be thought to be at a great distance from truth. Per

A

haps

haps the character of Machiavel has never been better drawn than in the following observations of Mr. R., and no one will deny that he has grafted upon it some very just and important political truths.

Taking it then for granted, that Machiavelli has in his political works fairly represented his own sentiments, how are his merits to be appreciated? Machiavelli was an acute man; but not a great man. He could minutely trace a political intrigue through all its ramifications, but he could not elevate his views, to perceive that true policy and sound morality are inseparably united, and that every fraudulent attempt is then most unfortunate, when it is crowned with success. To obtain a political end by the violation of public faith, is a stratagem that requires no great talents, but which will not bear to be frequently repeated. Like the tricks of a juggler, the petty routine of these operations is quickly understood, and the operator himself is soon on a level with the rest of mankind. Those who like Machiavelli have examined human conduct only in detail, must ever be at a loss to reconcile the discordant facts, and to distinguish the complicated relations of public and national concerns. It is only by tracing them up to some common source, and adjusting them by some certain standard, that past events can ever be converted into proper rules of future conduct. To recall the examples of ancient and modern history for the imitation of future times, is a mode of instruction, which, without proper limitations and precautions, will often be found highly dangerous. Such is the variety in human affairs, that in no two instances, are the circumstances in all respects alike, and on that account, experience without principles must ever be a fallacious guide. To close our eyes to the examples of past ages, would indeed be absurd, but to regulate our conduct by them, without bringing them to their proper test, would be still more so. With these considerations the works of Machiavelli may be read with advantage, and his errors may, perhaps, prove no less instructive than his excellencies."

From the foregoing strictures our opinion of the work before us will be easily collected. No period of history more interesting, than that which Mr. Roscoe has selected, can well be conceived; nor do we believe that many could be found equally qualified with our author to do it justice. His patience in research must have been unwearied, and the matter with which he has furnished his readers is abundant, important, and, in a great measure, original. His documents are collected from the most authentic sources, from rare books, and from unpublished manuscripts. Many circumstances and characters, which other historians have either overlooked or slightly touched upon, assume an interesting prominency in Mr. R.'s work; many things, which were before doubtful or obscure, are here elucidated and determined. In the different appendices, the learned and curious will find abundant gratification and improvement: and will frequently have recourse to Roscoe for

information, which they would seek in vain from other quarters. The language is perspicuous and classical, and the typography beautiful and correct. Upon the whole we feel greatly indebted to Mr. R. for the pleasure and profit we have received from the perusal of the life and pontificate of Leo X. If in a work of such magnitude, and comprehending such a variety of subjects, we have sometimes seen reason to differ from Mr. R. this is no more than might naturally be expected. When we have most differed, it has been on subjects connected with religion: here we have often taken the liberty of stating our objections, and have very often felt disapprobation, where we have not expressed it. We nevertheless sincerely congratulate the public on this very elaborate and masterly performance; and we take our leave of it, by assuring those of our readers, who felt interested in the memoirs of Lorenzo de Medici, that they will not regret the time employed in perusing the history of his son.

Art. VIII. Charges, and Extracts of Charges, on Moral and Religious Subjects; delivered at sundry times, by the Honourable Jacob Rush, President of the Third District of the Court of Common Pleas and Quarter Sessions for the State of Pennsylvania;-with a recommendation, by the Reverend Clergy of the Presbyterian Church, in the City of Philadelphia:-to which is annexed, the Act of the Legislature of the State of Pennsylvania, respecting Vice and Immorality. Printed at Philadelphia, and re-printed at New York: Sold by Burditt, London. 12mo. pp. 183, price 3s.

IN addition to the intrinsic value of a publication, the name character and situation of its author, the recommendation of judicious and eminent persons, the subjects discussed, and the occasion of discussing them, may be considered as various causes of exciting a general attention. We are happy in saying that the influence of those causes are combined to render the volume before us peculiarly interesting. The fame of the honorable J. Rush, (a Judge in the State of Pennsylvania) has long since crossed the Atlantic, and his character has become the admiration of the friends of religion and morality in Britain as well as in America. These charges were delivered to gentlemen of the grand jury, and some of them were published in the news-papers. A number of the Presbyterian Clergy in Philadelphia, were so impressed with "the importance of the matter they contain, and the forcible and perspicuous manner in which it is communicated," as to take measures for the publication of the whole in a form that should be more durable, and more generally useful; and upon their solicitation the judge kindly furnished them with a complete and correct copy.

The legislative act of the State of Pennsylvania, respecting wice and immorality, might on some accounts have been better

placed,

placed, at the beginning, instead of being given, as it is, at the end of the volume; for it is a kind of text, on which most of the charges are founded.

The contents of the charges &c., are as follows-Upon Human and Divine Laws--The Nature of an Oath-Patriotism-The Institution of the Sabbath-Profane Swearing-Drunkenness Gaming-Man the Subject of Social and Moral Obligation-Letter to the Clergy of Reading-Sentence of Death passed on B. Baily-Upon Duelling.

If these subjects appear to be too common to afford matter generally interesting, we do not hesitate, to say, in the language of the Philadelphian Clergy,—

"That they are explained and inforced in a manner that will appear to many, at once new, just, and striking; and they are peculiarly and highly estimable, as they demonstrate the connexion between the principles of religion and those of social happiness, to be necessary and indissoluble."

We have noticed in perusing these pages a number of aphoristic sentences; and the excellent Magistrate delivers them, (especially when he speaks on the connexion between virtue and patriotism) in a tone of majestic dignity. We earnestly wish such passages as the following, to be written on the posts of our senate-houses, our gates, and above all to be impressed on the hearts of our youth.

It cannot then be denied, that the public prosperity of our land depends upon the virtue of the people; and that the practice of vice, like a cancer in the natural body, will at last extend itself to the vitals of the country, and cut off our national existence.'-' A man who habitually breaks any rule in the moral code of his country' Mr. R. observes, may call himself a federalist, or an antifederalist, a republican, or a democrat, or whatever else he pleases; it is certain he is but a pretender to the character of a Patriot: p. 51. Believe and forgive me—a gambling, lying, drunken, or swearing patriot, is as great a contradiction as a whoring, swearing, or drunken Christian; though in the practical estimation of the two characters mankind have made a wide difference : the hypocritical pretentions of the patriot are too often successfully played off, while those of the pretended Christian are sure to exclude him from the character. p. 53. Vain, and worse than vain, are laws for the preservation of government, if the people are too debauched and corrupt to execute them. If we are earnest in our wish to save our country, we must, therefore, begin by a reformation of her morals, p. 57.-Of Christianity he says- If it does fall, it will fall like a strong man, it will pull down the pillars of government, and bury our country in the ruins.' p. 114.

The extent of human authority to punish vice and immorality is, in our opinion, well defined and properly limited in p. 93. and p. 95.

"On the supposition that government is vested with a power of supporting and defending the laws of God, and avenging his cause, it will be impracticable to say when they ought to stop, or to decide what measure of punishment is adequate, to an offence against the majesty of an Infinite Being." p. 93.-' But as all morality tends, in its very nature, and by inevitable consequences, to the overthrow and ruin of society, government has a right to correct its mischievous effects in the person of the transgressor. This right of self-preservation, is the only true and genuine source of all lawful power exercised by human governments." p. 95.

We recommend to the serious consideration of British parents the following opinion respecting the relaxation of domestic authority.

"It has long been my opinion that the relaxation of domestic authority is one of the most alarming symptoms both of the degeneracy, and dangerous situation of our country. Parents and masters seem to have abandoned all controul over those that Providence has placed under their care and guardianship. They seem to be totally indifferent as to the company and hours they keep, and the places they frequent. The reins being thus thrown loose upon bad propensities, it is no wonder they take the shortest road to destruction and hasten to taverns. Depend upon it, gentlemen, it is a serious truth, though not often heard in courts of justice, that we are responsible to Heaven, not only for our own actions, but in some degree, for the actions of those who may be influenced by our example or authority." pp. 110, 111.

We would not have our readers imagine that this work contains nothing but unsupported opinions, and aphorisms. We often find the venerable author pursuing a train of argument, in which he displays closeness of thought, with great clearness and energy of writing. This observation might be peculiarly illustrated, by a syllabus of the first and last charges, but our limits forbid us to proceed; and we hope our readers will be desirous of perusing the work for themselves. We cannot, however, close the volume, till we have quoted the advice that is given for the prevention of duelling, and the sentiments of judge Rush on the Christian Doctrine of the Atonement..

"In the first place there should be an absolute and utter prohibition of all news-paper accounts of duels, which operate like wild-fire on the minds of our young people."-In the next place-All offensive and irritating expressions, such as rogue, rascal, liar, villain, scoundrel and the like, should be made cognizable in the courts of criminal jurisdiction; and persons convicted of using them, or any other provoking language or gesture, should be punished by fine and imprisonment, at the discretion of the court." p. 161, 162.

Towards the close of the first charge we find the following important sentiments on the atonement.

"Whether contrition, gentlemen, for a crime, be extorted by the

fear