spare for the protection of its subjects on the frontier, but the boers from all parts of the country were summoned to the point of rendezvous; a large irregular force under Mr. Maynier, the landdrost, or chief magistrate of Graaf-Reynet, was speedily assembled; and the commando thus raised, crossed the frontier and invaded Kaffirland, more in pursuit of stolen oxen, than for the purpose of chastising the thieves, who in the meantime doubled on their pursuers, (a manoeuvre they have since frequently repeated) got into their rear, and-to compare small things to great-like Hannibal marching on Rome, whilst Scipio was in pursuit of the Numidians; Langa, the chief of the hostile Kaffirs, entered the now unprotected limits of the colony and committed such devastations, that the invaders of Kaffirland were obliged quickly to return in defence of their homesteads; and Mr. Maynier's force shortly after became so disorganised, that a disadvantageous peace was eventually concluded with the enemy, who had no sooner-according to agreement-restored the stolen cattle, than they repented of the act, and instantly recommenced their robberies and depredations.

This commando of 1793, under the orders of the landdrost of GraafReynet, may properly be considered as the first of the Kaffir wars, and like all those which have followed, was provoked by Kaffir aggression, Kaffir plunder, and Kaffir devastation.

Its results were as unsatisfactory as ever have proved those of all subsequent operations against these wily savages, and such failures may be chiefly attributable to many of the same causes, which rendered the above campaign so completely abortive.

In the first place, there was a want of sufficient force to guard the frontier, which from its nature, no numbers in fact could have protected, *or will ever be able to protect against the Kaffirs, so long as a tract of country, covered with dense jungle, be regarded as the boundary of the eastern province.* Next, the recapture of the stolen property, and not the personal chastisement and destruction of the robbers, appear to have ever been the main objects of hostile expeditions entering the country of the latter; and thirdly the want of faith which constantly marked the conduct of government towards those men constituting the levies, who from remote parts of the colony, had, to the great detriment of their own interests and property, been ordered for service to the eastern frontier; and who, when those services were no longer required, received their "congé" without reward, or any remuneration for the expenses and losses they might have incurred, during the time they were in the field.

The consequence of all this mismanagement at that period, was the unsatisfactory treaty of peace (like many of a later date) patched up in 1794, by the Dutch colonial government with the Kaffirs, who continued with impunity their usual depredations on the colony, till at last, the Zuureveld was in consequence, nearly abandoned by the Dutch settlers; and generally speaking the boers on the eastern frontier, and of the remote districts adjoining, driven to despair by being thus left to their fate-naturally concluding that the government which could not protect, would as little be able to punish-threw off their allegiance; and in 1795, when the Cape of Good Hope became a British dependency, that part of the country comprising the eastern provinces was handed over to us in a state of the greatest anarchy and confusion.

* One good reason (and now that we can do so with justice) for choosing the Kye, whose banks are free from bush, as the boundary of the colony.

THE COURT AND TIMES OF CHARLES I.*

THERE cannot be a question as to the interest of that kind of intimate correspondence, which belonging to the time itself of which it treats, and proceeding from influential and well-informed authorities, not only affords the most copious information on affairs of state, but draws quite as liberally on affairs which, if less important, are certainly not less attractive. Curious revelations of court manners, quaint pictures of social morals in court and city, and strange details of the private lives of the most distinguished persons of the day, are given by those industrious and prying "Intelligencers"-the John Chamberlain's, the Rev. Joseph Mead's, the Doctor Meddus's, and the Mr. Beaulieu's of the times of Charles the First, as well as of those of his predecessor James the First, and we are indebted to the indefatigable Dr. Birch for this second collection of these at once entertaining and instructive docu

ments.

The worthy Intelligencers certainly plod away at their task at times in a sufficiently dull and sapient tone to gratify the most sober-minded historian; they are also in no small degree touched with the leaven of the day-the vision of that little power which had burst upon the eyes of the commonalty of England, and which by leading them constantly to refuse that which they had little right to withhold, was ever exasperating the monarch to too frequent recourse to the prerogative, and thus daily embittering the great struggle which was then impending between the crown and the commons. Jealous of the power of the favourite, busied with paltry yet amusing court intrigues, and pandering to the appetites of their employers, the Intelligencers evidently sided in the main with the popular party, but discussions such as these, although the staple of the reign, are relieved by details of a very different kind, life-like pictures of a most remarkable epoch, and one in particular of these sage "Intelligencers"-the Rev. Mr. Mead-is never so much at home as when he has got a little bit of court scandal to relate.

How private and personal was the character of the intelligence forwarded by those courtly spies, may be judged of by such a hint as that contained in a letter of the Rev. J. Mead's to Sir Martin Stuteville, dated Feb. 3, 1626.

Besides what is in the enclosed, holding the bottom of my second letter against the fire till it grew brown, I read as followeth :

"Sir,-Will you believe that the duke should be carried in his box by six men to St. James's to tennis, and the king walk by him on foot? It is true. I doubt not but you have heard of the play in Christmas, which was begun again at the duke's entering, the king having heard one full act."

The treaty of marriage of Charles with Henrietta Maria, of France, was ratified by the king three days after James's death. On the 1st of May (1625) they were married by proxy, in Paris; and on the 7th of

The Court and Times of Charles the First, illustrated by Authentic and Confidential Letters, from various Public and Private Collections; including Memoirs of the Mission in England of the Capuchin Friars in the service of Queen Henrietta Maria, &c., &c. 2 vols. Henry Colburn.

June the queen arrived at Dover, with the Duke of Buckingham. The tit-bits in reference to this marriage are both amusing and characteristic. "I had minded," says John Chamberlain, writing to Sir Dudley Carleton, "to send a list of the ladies that are appointed to meet the queen Dover; but it varies and alters so often, that it were to no purpose. Their number is about four or five and twenty: all their coaches furnished with six horses, which comes altogether now in fashion; a vanity of excessive charge, and of little use."

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The same letter contains also a hint of a different kind, highly indicative of the feelings entertained by the Intelligencer towards the monarch. "The Lord of Arundel hath played a friendly part with the Lady Fanshaw, and caused the king to send for all her pictures, great and small; which may serve as a caveat, that if you bring home any you esteem, he be the last should see them."

may

The queen arrived in London at a time when upwards of a hundred persons were dying weekly of the plague; but this appears to have caused but little anxiety. The following is Dr. Meddus's account of the

event.

London, June 17, 1625.

The last night at five o'clock, (there being a very great shower) the king and queen, in the royal barge, with many other barges of honour, and thousands of boats, passed through London-bridge to Whitehall; infinite numbers besides those in wherries, standing in houses, ships, lighters, western barges; and on each side of the shore, fifty good ships discharging their ordnance as their majesties passed along by, as, last of all, the tower did-such a peel as, I believe she never before heard the like. The king and queen were both in green suits. The barge windows, notwithstanding the vehement shower, were open, and all the people shouting amain. She hath already given some good signs of hope that she may ere long by God's blessing, become ours in religion.

She arrived at Dover on Sunday, about eight in the evening, lay there in the castle that night, whither the king rode on Monday morning from Canterbury, came thither after ten of the clock, and she being at meat, he stayed in the presence till she had done, which she being advertised of, she made short work, rose, went unto him, kneeled down at his feet, took and kissed his hand. The king took her up in his arms, kissed her, and talking with her, cast down his eyes towards her feet (she seeming higher than report was, reaching to his shoulder,) which she soon perceiving, discovered and showed him her shoes, saying to this effect: "Sir I stand upon mine own feet; I have no helps by art. Thus high I am and neither higher nor lower." She is nimble and quick, black eyed, brown haired, and, in a word, a brave lady, though perhaps a little touched with the green sickness.

One ship, where upon stood above a hundred people, not being balanced nor well tied to the shore, and they standing all upon one side, was overturned and sunk-all that were upon her tumbling into the Thames; yet was not any lost that I can hear of, but all saved by help of boats.

The bells rung till midnight and all the streets were full of bonfires, and in this one street were above thirty.

Another letter of the same date is still more particular.

It were but lost labour to tell you the queen arrived on Sunday at Dover; that on Monday, at ten o'clock, the king came from Canterbury thither to visit her; and though she were unready, so soon as she heard he was co me she hastened down a pair of stairs to meet him, and offering to kneel down, and to kiss his hand, he wrapt her up in his arms, and kissed her with many kisses. The first words she said to him were, Sire, je suis venue en ce pais pour

votre majesté pour estre usée et commandée de vous. They retired themselves an hour, and then, having made herself ready, they went forth into the presence, where she recommended all her servants by name and quality in order. At dinner, being carved pheasant and venison by his majesty (who had dined before), she eat heartily of both, notwithstanding her confessor (who all the while stood by her), had forewarned her that it was the even of St. John Baptist, and was to be fasted, and that she should take heed how she gave ill examples or scandal at her first arrival. The same night, having supped at Canterbury, her majesty went to bed, and, some time after, his majesty followed her; but, being entered her bed-chamber, the first thing he did, he bolted all the doors round about, being seven, with his own hand, letting in but two of his bed-chamber to undress him; which being done, he bolted them out also. The next morning he lay till seven o'clock, and was pleasant with the lords that he had beguiled them, and hath ever since been very jocund.

Yesterday, I saw them coming up from Gravesend, and never behield the king to look so merrily. In stature, her head reached just to his shoulder; but she is young enough to grow taller. Those of our nation that know best her disposition are very hopeful that his majesty will have power to bring her to his own religion. Being asked, not long since, if she could abide an Huguenot, Why not," said she, "was not my father one?"

The opportunity for increasing the force of the Catholic missions in so heretic a country as England, which was afforded by the marriage of the Princess Henrietta Maria with Charles I., was not lost upon the papal power. The Capuchins, a community of friars vowed to poverty, having distinguished themselves by the stand they made in France against the Huguenots, a certain number were selected to attend the princess for the service of her chapel in England. The good fathers directed themselves immediately upon their arrival with so much zeal to the overthrow of Protestantism, that it not only drew upon them universal obloquy but also involved their royal mistress in continual disputes. The history of this mission, written by Father Cyprien de Gamache, is most unquestionably the most curious and entertaining record connected with the court and times of Charles I.

No sooner had the priests arrived than, according to Dr. Meddus, they became importunate to have the chapel finished at St. James's. The king's answer, however, was, that if the queen's closet were not large enough, they might have mass in the great chamber; and if the great chamber was not wide enough, they might use the garden; and if the garden would not serve their turn, then was the park the fittest place.

Mr. Chamberlain says of a feast given to the ambassador and other French, by the Duke of Buckingham, upon the occasion of the publication of the articles, that they were "entertained with such magnificence and prodigal plenty, both for curious cheer and banquet, that the like hath not been seen in these parts. One rare dish came by mere chance: a sturgeon, full six feet long, that afternoon leaping into a sculler's boat, not far from the place, was served in at supper. In all these shows and feastings," continues the worthy Intelligencer, "here hath been such excessive bravery on all sides, as bred rather a surfeit than any delight in them that saw it. And it were more fit, and would have become us better, to compare and dispute with such pompous kind of people in iron and steel, than in gold and jewels, wherein we came not near them." The Rev. Joseph Mead testifies to the same purpose. "The great

feast at Whitehall was on Tuesday, where is unspeakable bravery; but the Duke of Chevreuse put down ours."

There is a characteristic sketch of Henrietta Maria, in a letter of the same Intelligencer, which we do not discover in Miss Strickland's excellent biography, where, however, justice is done to her majesty's talent in breaking windows.

The friars so frequent the queen's private chamber that the king is much offended, and so told them, having (as it is said) granted them more than sufficient liberty in public. This Mr. Mordaunt writes to me, and, besides, that which follows:-"The queen," saith he, "howsoever little of stature, is of spirit and vigour, and seems of a more than ordinary resolution. With one frown, divers of us being at Whitehall to see her being at dinner, and the room somewhat overheated with the fire and company, she drove us all out of the chamber. I suppose none but a queen could have cast such a scowl.”

Nothing, indeed, could exceed the wilfulness of the weak and headstrong young queen, except, perhaps, that of her ghostly counsellors; witness a scandalous example given by the reverend Intelligencer who

relates

That the king and queen dining together in the presence, Mr. Hacket being then to say grace, the confessor would have prevented him, but that Hacket shoved him away. Whereupon the confessor went to the queen's side, and was about to say grace again, but that the king, pulling the dishes unto him, and the carvers falling to their business, hindered. When the dinner was done, he thought, standing by the queen, to have been before Mr. Hacket but Mr. Hacket again got the start. The confessor, nevertheless, begins his grace as loud as Mr. Hacket, with such a confusion, that the king, in a great passion, instantly rose from the table, and, taking the queen by the hand, retired into the bedchamber. Was not this a priestly discretion?

:

It is curious that the existence of a north-west passage, in the attempt to discover which so many lives and so much money have been sacrificed within the last half century, was a subject of interest at this early period. In a letter of Sir Robert Carr's, dated Salisbury, October 18, it is said, "There is talking here that there is a ship come home which assures the king that the north-west passage is now found, which will be no small benefit to this nation." At this time, the last months of 1625, the various letters contain frequent references to the progress of the inglorious expedition which had been sent under Sir Edward Cecil, Lord Wimbledon, against Cadiz, the mischief done by the Dunkirkers who, to our disgrace, swept the channel of our merchantmen and fishing-boats without an attempt at retaliation, and to the progress of the plague, which after driving the court and parliament to Oxford, had ultimately compelled the king and queen to take refuge in the New Forest.

The Dutchmen did not, however, it would appear, from a short notice in one of the Rev. Mr. Mead's letters, let off the Dunkirkers so easily, for it is stated, that having taken two Dunkirk sloops with fifty-nine wellarmed men in them, and binding the men back to back, they threw them all into the sea, save the odd man, who was English, and, as the rest confessed, was a prisoner, and was forced to serve-him they landed on our coast. This execution, it is added, was begun by the Dunkirkers themselves.

The year 1626 was ushered in by the return of the discomfited fleet, and by preparations for the equally unfortunate expedition against the