and Tyndale in England, appear before the world, and to the eye of man in this order; they were contemporaries, living in their respective countries; Lefevre being by far the oldest of the four, and Zuinglius the youngest. But then it is no less evident, that the first impressions of these four men were altogether independent of each other. They were individually influenced by a power, though unseen, equally near to them all. From that moment they were already destined to the work assigned them, but not one of them had exchanged a single thought with another. "Germany," says the same author, "did not communicate the light of truth to Switzerland, nor Switzerland to France, nor France to England: all these lands received it from God, just as no one region transmits the light to another, but the same orb dispenses it direct to the earth." We now speak of the origin, or the one great though secret cause of all.

But the secret and universal Mover being once acknowledged, upon advancing only a single step farther, we instantly discover that a marked distinction has been drawn, between our own separate Island, and all other Countries on the adjoining Continent. In France, but more especially in Switzerland and Germany, there was the living voice, throughout life, of the man raised up, calling upon his countrymen to hear and obey the truth; and so God had ordered it in England, a century and a half before, in the case of Wickliffe. But, now, his procedure is altogether different, and out of the usual course pursued in other lands. Tyndale had lifted up his voice, it is true, boldly, and with some effect, but he is withdrawn from his native land, and never to return. The island is left behind by him, and left for good. In other countries the man lives and dies at home. Lefevre, when above a hundred years old, weeps, because he had not felt and displayed the courage of a martyr; Zuinglius dies in battle for his country; and Luther, after all his noble intrepidity, expires in his sick chamber: but Tyndale is strangled and burnt to ashes, and in a foreign land. Englishmen, and Scotsmen, and Germans, are gathered together against him; yes, against the man who enjoyed the honour of having never had a Prince for his patron or protector all his days; men of three nations at least concur to confer upon him the crown of martyrdom, so that, among all his contemporaries, in several points of

view, but especially as a translator of the Scriptures, he stands alone.

Whether, therefore, in England or in Scotland, the consequence has been, that, at this early period, we have no great or powerful character to present, as warring upon his native soil, with the darkness, whether of ignorance or error, and leading on to victory. Our man is abroad, and is pursued, but cannot be taken, till his work is done; while the Almighty himself, appears as so much the more in immediate contact with this country. The work is, by way of eminence, His own. Divine truth, it is granted, is but an instrument, yet as an instrument, it was now shown to be perfect for its purpose; and the design goes on, till men of authority, and power, and wrath, are baffled, overcome, and overruled. Moreover, there has been ever since a providential superintendence of this work, an uninterrupted care, lest it should be confounded with any thing else in this Kingdom, all which we are the more bound both to mark ourselves, and point out to other nations.

That the eyes of his countrymen have never been turned towards Tyndale, as they ought to have been long ago, but more especially to that work which God did by him in the midst of our land, is one of those mysteries, which, at this moment, we do not even attempt to explain; but it will be the object of the following pages, to trace the footsteps of our Translator, from his origin to his end; and especially the history of that Version which he first gave to his country.

One fourth part of the sixteenth century had passed away before any portion of the Sacred Scriptures, translated from the original Greek into the English language, was printed abroad, and first conveyed into England and Scotland. We have already glanced at foregoing ages as introductory to this memorable event, but the political and literary condition of England for these twenty-five years, immediately preceding, renders the event itself much more worthy of consideration.

Henry the Seventh, and the first monarch of the Tudor family, having attained the crown by his sword, on the field of Bosworth, had ascended the throne of England in the month of August 1485, and to the close of his life in April 1509, he had reigned as Lord paramount of all his Barons, though not of his Ecclesiastics. It was left for his son, Henry the Eighth, to find out, in convenient season, that he was, as Crumwell expressed it, only half a Sovereign. At the age of eighteen, in 1509, Henry had been

left by his father, the richest Prince in Europe, and with more pretensions to learning than any monarch of that day. His wealth, at his accession, is stated to have been at least one million eight hundred thousand marks, if not pounds; an amount, at all events, equal to many millions of the present time. But whatever his wealth may have been, in the brief space of a few years it was entirely dissipated. This, in its own way, had signalised him, and more especially as by the second year of his reign, he had begun to take a more decided part in the politics of the European Continent, and upon a larger scale than England had ever before done.

On looking abroad, Italy, it may be supposed, still commanded the first notice. The reigning Pontiff for ten years, or from 1503 to 1513, was Julius the Second, a man who, it has been said, "retained in the chill of age, all the fire of youth," and became distinguished for his violent and warlike passions. His statue being to be cast in brass, by Michael Angelo, the artist required to know whether he would have a book in his left hand, "No,” replied Julius, "give me a sword, I am no Scholar." Literature and the fine arts had triumphed, but above all the arts, Julius was now absorbed in that of War. Bent upon the deliverance of Italy from every interference with his authority, he commenced with Venice, the growing power of which he was the first to curtail. Having previously applied to Germany, France, and Naples, he had formed the celebrated league of Cambray, and thus succeeded. But having once so far humbled this republic, at the solicitation of Henry VIII., now rising into rank and influence, he consented to peace. So it has been said; but the truth seems to be, that Julius, unwilling that the Venetian state should fall into the hands of any of his allies, left it still powerful, though within its ancient limits. By this period, however, both France and Spain had planted their foot in Italy; Louis the XII. having the Sovereignty of Milan, and Ferdinand that of Naples. The former, jealous at once of his possession, and of the growing ambition of the Pontiff, had opposed, and at last besieged him in Bologna; a high offence, and not to be forgotten. By Julius, therefore, in October 1511, an alliance offensive and defensive, having for its object "the extinction of schism and defence of the Church," had been accomplished, when England assumed an unprecedented place in the politics of Europe. This alliance, styled "the holy league," had been signed by Ferdinand, by the Venetian State, and ultimately by Maximilian the Emperor of Germany. But Henry of England had at once assented, Julius having flattered him with no less a title than that of "Head of the Italian League." The real object was to crush France, or compel Louis to let go his hold of Milan. He had hitherto been styled by the court of Rome, "Most Christian King;" but now this appellation was actually promised to the King of England, and no man seemed to be so great a

favourite as young Henry. It was this same Pontiff, also, who about four years before, had sent his Legate to James the Fourth of Scotland, with a Bull of the title "Defender of the Faith;" accompanied by that hallowed Sword, which is still exhibited, as a relic, in the castle of Edinburgh. At this period, certainly, there was no prospect that either North or South Britain would ever prove unfaithful to the Pontiff's chair. In the meanwhile, this league against France had embroiled Henry into war with Scotland, as James the Fourth, though married to his sister, now took part with his ancient ally. The result is well known -an expedition to France in 1513, from which Henry returned with but little credit, either to his wisdom or talents; while his arms in Scotland, under Surrey, had proved fatal to his brother-in-law, and the flower of the Scotish nobility, at Flodden field.

In his expedition to France, Henry had been accompanied by an ecclesiastic, his Almoner, about to become by far the most conspicuous man of his day, whether in England or on the Continent. We need scarcely name Thomas Wolsey. Immediately after their return, several remarkable changes were crowded into a little space; thus making way for an era such as Europe had never witnessed, and one in which Henry and his prime Minister were to perform no subordinate part. Fired with ambition, they will stand ready to help each other at convenient season.

While Henry was plunged into war both with France and Scotland, Julius II. died at Rome, and had been succeeded by Leo the Tenth, the youngest Pontiff, and one of the most celebrated, that had ever reigned. Louis of France, who had not only propitiated the Roman See, but been allied in marriage to Mary, Henry's youngest sister, died in 1515, and was succeeded by Francis the First. In the same year, after much solicitation, Leo had raised Wolsey to the rank of a Cardinal, when he began to feel as though he were a second king: and in 1517, by the death of Ferdinand, King of Spain, Charles V. had succeeded to that throne.

At last, or in January 1519, the Emperor Maximilian expired also; when the three young kings, Henry VIII., Francis I., and Charles V., became candidates for the Imperial Crown. The truth is, it had been twice offered by Maximilian himself before his death, to Henry; and had he not doubted the sincerity of the Emperor, and not consulted with Cuthbert Tunstal, he might have accepted the proffer. But "now that the glittering prize was open to competition, he disclosed his wishes to his favourite; and both the King and the Cardinal, reciprocally inflaming the ambition of each other, indulged in the most flattering delusions. In fancy they were already seated, the one on the throne of the Cæsars, the other in the chair of St. Peter, and beheld the whole Christian world, laity and clergy, prostrate at their feet. The election of Henry would secure, it was foretold, the elevation of Wolsey; and the Bishop of Worcester, (an Italian, but residing at Rome, whose diocese was farmed by

Wolsey,) had been aiming to secure the consent and assistance of the Pontiff in favour of the King of England."

Such, at least, is the representation of Lingard; but be this as it may, Charles, it is well known, was chosen Emperor, to the mortification of the other candidates, and especially to that of the young King of France, who had been most treacherously promised support by Henry, while he himself was striving after the same honour! At this moment, however, Francis found it necessary to pocket the affront, and to fortify himself against the Emperor, he insisted that Henry should fulfil a previous engagement, to pay him a visit in France. To this he consented, and Wolsey, as the consummate master of ceremonies, had the arrangement of the whole affair: but before they embarked, no sooner had they reached Canterbury, than, to the surprise of many, though not of the Cardinal, Charles the Fifth, on board of a squadron said to be bound for the Netherlands, was announced as approaching, merely to pay a visit to his Uncle and Aunt, the King and Queen of England. In three days, the Emperor had so far gained upon the good will of Henry; while by hints as to the Pontificate, promises and presents, he had secured the ambition of Wolsey in his favour. The King of England with his Cardinal then passed on to Francis, and to the performance of a splendid pageant, in mockery of friendship. The negotiations which afterwards ensued, only prove, that Henry, once disappointed of the imperial dignity, had fixed his eye on the crown of France. In short, his Majesty of England had, in his own estimation, become the arbiter of Europe. With Wolsey at his right hand, he began to feel as though he held the balance between the two Continental rivals, Charles and Francis; while his Prime Minister, the veritable potentate, was about to be courted at one period, and dreaded at another, not only by these Sovereigns, but by the Pontiff himself for the time being.

As proof of the English Cardinal rapidly rising to this dignity, we have only to mark those successive steps by which he had shown himself to be so attentive to his personal aggrandisement; recollecting all the while, that he is to be viewed as the true index to the rising ecclesiastical power of Italy over England. Having in 1515 obtained the red hat of a Cardinal, his Royal Master, now so won by his fascinating manner and luxurious habits, had, in December of that year, made him Lord Chancellor, instead of William Warham, Archbishop of Canterbury; for the Chancellor in those days had been uniformly a churchman. Then Leo the Tenth, in July 1518, had in effect transferred to him, within the limits of England, almost all his powers as Pontiff, by creating him his Plenipotentiary or Legate a latere. Since the year 1514 he had been

2 This was not an accidental visit. On the 8th of April, (1520), Henry had ordered his Ambassadors to fix the time and place.