victors at the Isthmian and Olympic games,* and to fix them at a certain value, viz. 100 drachmas, which make about two pounds, for the first sort; and 500 drachmas, or about ten pounds, for the second. He thought it a shameful thing, that athlete and wrestlers, a sort of people not only useless, but often dangerous to the state, should have any considerable rewards allotted them, which ought rather to be reserved for the families of those persons who died in the service of their country; it being very just and reasonable, that the state should support and provide for such orphans, who probably might come in time to follow the good examples of their fathers.

In order to encourage arts, trades, and manufactures, the senate of the Areopagus was charged with the care of inquiring into the ways and means that every man made use of to gain his livelihood, and of chastising and punishing all those who led an idle life. Be sides the forementioned view of bringing arts and trades into a flourishing condition, this regulation was founded upon two other reasons still more important.

First, Solon considered, that such persons as have no fortune, and make use of no methods of industry to gain their livelihood, are ready to employ all manner of unjust and unlawful means for acquiring money; and that the necessity of subsisting some way or other disposes them for committing all sorts of misdemeanours, rapine, knaveries, and frauds; from which springs up a school of vice in the bosom of the commonwealth; and such a leaven gains ground, as does not fail to spread its infection, and by degrees corrupt the manners of the public.

In the second place, the most able statesmen have always

upon these indigent and idle people as a troop of dangerous, red

and turbulent spirits, eager after innovation and change, always ready for seditions and insurrections, and interested in revolutions of the state, by which alone they can hope to change their own situation and fortune. It was for all these reasons, that in the law we are speaking of, Solon declared, that a son should not be obliged to support his father in old age or necessity, if the latter had not taken care to have his son brought up to some trade or occupation. All children that were spurious and illegitimate, were exempted from the same duty: for it is evident, says Solon, that whoever thus contemns the dignity and sanctity of matrimony, has never had in view the lawful end we ought to propose to ourselves in having children, but only the gratification of a loose passion. Having then satisfied his own desires, he has no proper right over the persons who may spring from this disgraceful intercourse, upon whose lives, as well as births, he has entailed an indelible infamy and reproach, often

It was prohibited to speak any ill of the dead because religion directs us to account the dead as sacred, justice requires us to spare

4

those that are no more, and good policy should hinder hatred from becoming immortal.

It was also forbidden to affront or give ill language to any body in the temples, in courts of judicature, in public assemblies, and in the theatres, during the time of representation: for to be no where able to govern our passions and resentments, argues too untractable and licentious a disposition; as, on the other hand, to restrain them at all times, and upon all'occasions, is a virtue beyond the strength of mere human nature, and a perfection reserved for the evangelical law.

Cicero observes, that this wise legislator of Athens, whose laws were in force even in his time, had provided no law against parricide; and being asked the reason why he had not, he answered: That to make laws against, and ordain punishments for, a crime that hitherto had never been known or heard of, was the way to introduce it, rather than to prevent it.* I omit several of his laws concerning marriage and adultery, in which there are remarkable and manifest contradictions, and a great mixture of light and darkness, knowledge and error, which we generally find even among the very wisest of the heathens, who had no established principles.

After Solon had published his laws, and engaged the people by public oath to observe them religiously, at least for the term of 100 years, he thought proper to remove from Athens, in order to give them time to take root, and to gather strength by custom; as also to rid himself of the trouble and importunity of those who came to consult him about the meaning of his laws, and to avoid the complaints and ill-will of others: for, as he said himself, in great undertakings it is hard (if not impossible) to please all parties. He was absent ten years, in which interval of time we are to place his journeys into Egypt, into Lydia, to visit king Cræsus, and into seveA. M. 3445. ral other countries. At his return he found the whole Ant. J. C. 550. city in commotion and trouble;† the three old factions were revived, and had formed three different parties. Lycurgus was at the head of the people that inhabited the low-lands; Megaeles, son of Alcmeon, was the leader of the inhabitants upon the seacoast; and Pisistratus had declared for the mountaineers, to whom were joined the handicraftsmen and labourers who lived by their industry, and who were particularly hostile to the rich of these three leaders the two latter were the most powerful and considerable. Megacles was the son of that Alcmeon whom Croesus had extremely enriched for a particular service which he had done him. He had likewise married a lady, who had brought him an immense portion: her name was Agarista, the daughter of Clisthenes, tyrant of Sicyon. This Clisthenes was the richest and most opulent prince at this time in Greece. In order to be able to choose a worthy

*Sapienter fecisse dicitur, cùm de eo nihil sanxerit, quod antea commissum non erat ne, non tam prohibere quam admonere, videretur. Pro Rosc. Amer. n. 70. Plut. in Solon.

p. 94.

Herod lib. vi. c. 125–131.

son-in-law, and to know his temper, manners, and character, from his own experience, Clisthenes invited all the young noblemen of Greece to come and spend a year with him at his house; for this was an ancient custom in that country. Several youths accepted the invitation, and came from different parts, to the number of thirteen. Nothing was seen every day but races, games, tournaments, magnificent entertainments, and conversations upon all sorts of topics. One of the gentlemen, who had hitherto surpassed all his competitors, lost the princess, by having made use of some indecent gestures and postures in his dancing, with which her father was extremely offeled. Clisthenes, at the end of the year, declared for Megacles, and sent the rest of the noblemen away, loaden with civilities and presents. Such was Megacles.

Pisistratus was a well-bred man,* of a gentle and insinuating behaviour, ready to succour and assist the poor;t prudent and moderate towards his enemies; a most artful and accomplished dissembler; and one who had all the exterior of virtue, even beyond the most virtuous; who seemed to be the most zealous stickler for equality among the citizens, and who absolutely declared against all innovations and change.

It was not very hard for him to impose upon the people with all this artifice and address. But Solon quickly saw through his disguise, and perceived the drift of all his seeming virtue and fair pretences; however, he thought fit to observe measures with him in the beginning, hoping, perhaps, by gentle methods to bring him back to his duty.

It was at this timet Thespis began to change the Grecian tragedy: I say change; because it was invented long before. This novelty drew all the world after it. Solon went among the rest for the sake of hearing Thespis, who acted himself, according to the custom of the ancient poets. When the play was ended, he called to Thespis, and asked him, Whether he was not ashamed to utter such lies before so many people? Thespis made answer, That there was no harm in lies of that sort, and in poetical fictions, which were made only for diversion.-No, replied Solon, giving a great stroke with his stick upon the ground; but if we suffer and approve of lying for our own diversion, it will quickly find its way into our serious engagements, and all our business and affairs.

In the mean time Pisistratus still pushed on his point; and, in order to accomplish it, made use of a stratagem that succeeded as

*Plut. in Solon. p. 95.

† We are not here to understand such as begged or asked alms: for in those times, says Isocrates, there was no citizen that died of hunger, or dishonoured his city by begging. Orat. Areop. p. 309. Plut in Solon. p. 95.

Tragedy was in being a long time before Thespis; but it was only a chorus of persons that sang, and said opprobrious things to one another. Thespis was the first that improved this chorus by the addition of a character, who, in order to give the rest time to take breath, and to recover their spirits, recited an adventure of some illustrious person. And this recital gave occasion afterwards for introducing the subjects of tragedies,

well as he could expect. He gave himself several wounds and in that condition, with his body all bloody, he caused himself to be carried in a chariot into the market-place, where he inflamed the populace, by giving them to understand that his enemies had treated him in that manner, and that he was the victim of his zeal for the public good.

t

An assembly of the people was immediately convened: and there it was resolved, in spite of all the remonstrances Solon could make against it, that fifty guards should be allowed Pisistratus for the security of his person. He soon augmented the number as much as he thought fit, and by their means made himself master of the citadel. All his enemies betook themselves to flight, and the whole city was in great consternation and disorder, except Solon, who loudly reproached the Athenians with their cowardice and folly, and the tyrant with his treachery. Upon his being asked what it was that gave him so much firmness and resolution? It is, said he, my old age. He was indeed very old, and did not seem to risk much, as the end of his life was very near: though it often happens, that men grow fonder of life, in proportion as they have less reason and right to desire it should be prolonged. But Pisistratus, after he had subdued all, thought this conquest imperfect till he had gained Solon: and as he was well acquainted with the means that are proper to conciliate an old man, he spared no caresses, omitted nothing that could tend to soften and win upon him, and showed him all possible marks of friendship and esteem, doing him all manner of honour, having him often about his person, and publicly professing a great veneration for his laws; which in truth he both observed himself, and caused to be observed by others. Sclon, seeing it was impossi ble either to bring Pisistratus by fair means to renounce this usurpation, or to depose him by force, thought it a point of prudence not to exasperate the tyrant by rejecting the advances he made him, and hoped, at the same time, that by entering into his confidence and counsels, he might at least be capable of conducting and turning into a proper channel a power which he could not abolish, and of mitigating the mischief and calamity that he had not been able to prevent.

Solon did not survive the liberty of his country two years complete for Pisistratus made himself master of Athens, under the archon Comias, the first year of the 51st Olympiad; and Solon died the year following, under the archon Hegestratus, who succceded Comias.

The two parties, the heads of which were Lycurgus and Megacles, uniting, drove Pisistratus out of Athens. Heys, however, soon recalled by Megacles, who gave him his daughten marriage. But a difference, that arose upon occasion of this match, having embroiled them afresh, the Alcmeonidæ had the worst, and were

obliged to retire. Pisistratus was twice deposed, and twice found means to reinstate himself. His artifices acquired him his power, and his moderation maintained him in it; and without doubt his eloquence,* which even in Tully's judgment was very great, rendered him very acceptable to the Athenians, who were but too apt to be affected with the charms of oratory, as it made them forget the care of their liberty. An exact submission to the laws distinguished Pisistratus from most other usurpers: and the mildness of his government was such as might make many a lawful sovereign blush. For which reason, the character of Pisistratus has been thought worthy of being set in opposition to that of other tyrants. Cicero, doubting what use Cæsar would make of his victory at Pharsalia, wrote to his dear friend Atticus, We do not yet know, whether the destiny of Rome will have us groan under a Phalaris, or live under a Pisistratus.·

This tyrant, indeed, if we are to call him so, always showed himself very popular and moderate; and had such a command of his temper, as to bear reproaches and insults with patience, when he had it in his power to revenge them with a word. His gardens and orchards were open to all the citizens; in which he was afterwards imitated by Cimon. It is said, he was the first who opened a public library in Athens, which after his time was much augmented, and at last carried into Persia by Xerxes, when he took the city. But Seleucus Nicanor, a long time afterwards, caused it to be brought back to Athens. Cicero¶ thinks also it was Pisistratus whe first made the Athenians acquainted with the poems of Homer; who arranged the books in the order in which we now find them, whereas before they were confused, and not digested; and who first caused them to be publicly read at the feasts called Panathena. Plato ascribes this honour to his son Hipparchus.**

Pisistratus died in tranquillity,++ and transmitted to his sons the sovereign power, which he had usurped thirty years before; seventeen of which he had reigned in peace.

A. M. 3478. His sons were Hippias and Hipparchus. Thucydides Ant. J. C. 528., adds a third, whom he calls Thessalus. They seem to have inherited from their father an affection for learning and learned men. Plato, who attributes to Hipparchus what we have said concerning the poems of Homer,‡‡ adds, that he invited to Athens the famous poet Anacreon, who was of 'Teos, a city of Ionia; and that he sent a vessel of fifty oars on purpose for him. He likewise enJertained at his house Simonides, another famous poet of the isle of

7d bs.

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*Pisistratus do tantum valuisse dicitur, ut ei Athenienses regium imperium orati ane capti permitt ut. Val. Max. 1. viii. c. 9, Quis doctior isem temporibus, aut cujus eloquentia literis instructior fuisse traditur quam Pisistrati? c. de Orat. 1. iii. n. 137.

Incertum est Phalarimne, an Pisistratum, sit imitaturus:

Val. Max. l. v. c. 1.
Lib. iii. de Orat. n. 137.
Rep. c. 12.

Athen. I. xii. p. 532.
**In Hipparch. p. 228.

cat in Hip. p. 228, 2:29.

Ad Attic. l. vii. Ep. xix. Aul. Gel. I. vi.c. 17 tt Arist. lib. v. de