Extract from Stowe's Chronicle, Howes's edition, p. 510. to 513.

In this meane time Edward duke of Buckingham was accused of High Treason, wherefore the king directed his letters to the said duke, being at his mannor of Thornebury in Glocestershire, that incontinently he should come to his presence, which commandement the duke obeyed, and came to London, where hee was straight wayes arrested by sir Henry Marney captaine of the gard, and conveyed to the Tower of London on the 16th of Aprill: before which time sir Gilbert Parke the dukes chancellor was taken, which had confessed matter of high treason, concerning the kings person. There was also attached one Nicholas Hopkins a monk of the order of Carthusians, being of Henton priory in Somersetshire, and John de la Court the dukes confessor, and others. These were prisoners in the Tower.

After the apprehension of the duke, inquisitions were taken in divers shires of him, so that by the knights and gentlemen he was indicted of High Treason for certaine words spoken by the said duke at Blechingly in Surrey, to George Nevill lord Burgaveny, and therewith was the same lord attached for concealement, and so likewise was the lord Montague, and both conveied to the Tower: and sir Edward Nevill brother to the said lord of Burgaveny was forbidden the kings presence.

came to Hopkins, together with his son Stafford, the latter, perhaps his account of the Trial may and the earl of Westmorland; and that Hop-be acceptable to some readers. The following kins asked who he was? and thereupon should extract from Stowe's Chronicle is therefore say, that some of his blood or name should added.] prove great men. And that, after this, Hopkins should send to the duke, to pray him, according to his promise, to help their house (being at Henton in Somersetshire) to make their conduit; the ten pounds, formerly given by him, being spent.' And more than this he confessed not. Notwithstanding which, when the Ilictment was openly read, the duke said, it was false, untrue, conspired, and forged', to bring him to his death; alledging (as he was an eloquent person) many reasons to falsify the indictment. The king's attorney, on the other side, producing the examinations, confessions, and proofs of witnesses; the duke hereupon desired the witnesses, which were Knevet, Gilbert, Delacour, and Hopkins, to be brought forth. These confirming their depositions, the duke was tried by his peers, (being a duke, a marquis, seven carls, and twelve barons) before the duke of Norfolk, who was for the time made lord high steward of England. They condemning him, the duke of Norfolk delivered his sentence, not without tears. To which he replyed; My lord of Norfolk, you have said as a traytor should be said unto, but I was never one. But, my lords, I nothing malign for what you have done to me; but the eternal God forgive you my death, and I do. I shall never sue to the king for life: how beit, he is a gracious prince, and more grace may come from him, than I desire. And so I desire you, my lords, and all my fellows, to pray for me.' Whereupon he was brought back to the Tower; where all the favour he received was a message from the king, declaring his Sentence was mitigated so far, that, instead of receiving the death of a Traytor, he should have only his head cut off. Thus ended the duke of Buckingham (May 17), much lamented by the people, (who libelled the cardinal for it, calling him Carnificis filium, Son of a Butcher,) as being thought rather criminal through folly and rash words, than any intention declared by overt-act against the king's person; and therefore not uncapable of his mercy; which also it was thought would not have been denyed, had he sued for it in fitting terms. But since at his arraignment, he did, as it were, disclaim his life, he would not obtrude it; and therefore only caused a letter of comfort to be written to the dutchess, and lord Stafford. Yet the tragedy ended not so; for though George lord Abergavenny, after a few months imprisonment, was, through the king's favour, delivered; yet Hopkins, after a serious repentance that he had been an author of so much mischief, dyed of grief. And here I must observe, that together with this duke, that great place of high-constable of England remains extinguished, unless some extraordinary occasion revive it.

[Lord Herbert's statement of the effect of the Indictment, not being nearly so full as Stowe's, and there being also some further particulars in

Moreover, in the Guildhall of London, be fore sir John Bruge knight, then maior of the same city, by an inquest, the said duke was indicted of divers points of high treason, as by the same inditement (which I have seene and read) it appeareth, inferring, that the said duke intending to exalt himselfe, and to usurpe the crowne, the royall power, and dignity of the realme of England, and to deprive the king thereof, that hee the sayde duke might take upon him the same against his allegeance, had the tenth day of March, in the second yeere of the kings raigne and at divers times before, and after, imagined and compassed the kings death and destruction at London, and at Thornebury in the county of Glocester: and for the accomplishment of the wicked intent and purpose, the 24th of Aprill, in the fourth yeere of the kings raygne, he sent one of his chaplaines called John de la Court, unto the priory of Henton in Somersetshire, which was an house of Carthusian monkes, there to understand of one Nicholas Hopkins, a monke of the same house (who was vainely reputed by way of revelation to have foreknowledge of things to come) what should happen concerning this matter, which he had imagined: which monke, causing the said de la Court first to sweare unto him, not to disclose his words to any manner of person, but onely to the duke his master, therewith declared that his master the said duke should have all, willing

of the realme of England. Then said Charles Knever, the monke may be deceived through illusion of the devil, and that it was evill to meddle with such matters. Well, said the duke, it cannot hurt me, and so the duke seemed to rejoyce in the monkes words. And further, the same time the duke told the said Charles, that if the king had miscarryed now in his last sicknes, hee would have chopped off the heads of the cardinall, of sir Thomas Lovell knight, and of others; and also said, that he had rather die for it, than to bee so used as he had beene. Moreover, the 10th of September in the said 11th yeere of this kings raigne, at Blechingly in the county of Surrey, walking in the gallery there with George Nevill knight, lord of Burgaveny, the duke murmuring against the kings counsellors, and their government, said unto the said George that if the king died, he would have the rule of the realme in spite of whosoever said the contrary, and withall said, that if the said lord of Burgavenny would say, that the duke had spoken such words, hee would fight with him, and lay his sword upon his pate, and this he bound with many great oaths.-These were the points and articles comprised in the indictment, and laid to his charge, whereof he was by the inquest found guilty.

selfe to be so wicked a sinner, that hee wanted | and my blood should prosper and have the rule Gods favour, and therefore be knew, that whatsoever he tooke in hand against the king had the worse successe. And furthermore, the saide duke (to alienate the king's subjects mindes from dutifull obedience, towards him and his heires, the 20th of September, in the 1st yeere of his raigne) beeing then at London, reported to Robert Gilbert, that he had a certaine writing, sealed with the kings great seale, comprehending a certaine act of parliament, in the which it was enacted, that the duke of Somerset, one of the kings progenitors, was made legitimate. And further, that the said duke meant to have delivered the same writing unto king Henry the 7th, but (said he) I would not that I had so done for ten thousand pounds. And furthermore the same duke the 4th of November, in the 11th yeere of the kings raygne, at East Greenewich in the county of Kent, said unto one Charles Knevet, esquire, after the king had reprooved the duke for retayning William Bulnier knight unto his service, that if he had perceived that he should have bia committed to the Tower, as he doubted he should have beene, he would have so wrought, that the principal doers therein should not have had cause of great rejoycing, for he wou'd have played the part, which his father intended to have put in practise against king Richard the 3rd at Salisbury, who made earnest suit to have come to the presence of the same king Richard, which suite if hee might have obtained, he having a knife secretly about him, would have thrust it into the body of king Richard, as he had semblance to kucele downe before him and in speaking these words, he maliciously laid his hand upon his dagger, and said, that if he were so evill used, he would doe his best to accomplish his pretended pur-Worcester, Devonshire, Essex, Shrewsbury, pose, swearing to confirme his word, by the blood of our Lord. And beside all this, the same duke the 10th of May, in the 12th yecre of the kings raigue at London, in a place called the Rose, within the parish of St. Laurence Poultney, in Canwike-street ward, demanded of the said Charles Knevet, esq. what was the talke amongst the Londoners, concerning the kings journey beyond the seas: and the said Charles told him, that many stoode in doubt of the journey, lest the Frenchmen meant some deceit towards the king: whereunto the duke answered, it was to be feared lest it would come to passe, according to the words of an holy monke: for there is (saith be) a certaine charter-house monke, that divers times hath sent to mee, willing mee to send unto him my chancellor, and I did send unto him J. de la Court my chaplain, unto whom he would not declare any thing, till de la Court had sworne unto him to keepe all things secret, and to tel to no creature living what he should heare of him, except it were to me: and the said monke told de la Court, that neither the king nor his heires should prosper, and that I should endeaYour myselfe to purchase the good wils of the communality of England, for I (the same duke)

:

On the 13th of May, the said duke was brought from the Tower by water unto Westminsterhall, before the duke of Norfolke high steward of England, to accomplish the high appeale of the peere or pceres of the realme, and to discerne and judge the cause of the peeres. There were also appointed to sit as peeres and judges upon the duke of Buckingham, the duke of Suffolke, the marques Dorset, the earles of

Kent, Oxford, and Darby, the lords of S. Johus, de la Ware, Fitz Waren, Willoughby, Brooke, Cobham, Herbert, and Morley. There was made within the ball at Westminster a scaffold for these lords, and a presence for the judge railed, and counter-railed about, and barred with degrees. When the lords had taken their place, the duke was brought to the barre, and upon his arraignement pleaded not guilty, and put himselfe upon his peeres. Then was the indictement read, which the duke denyed to bee true, and (as he was an eloquent man) alleaged reasons to falsifie the indictement, very pithily. The kings attorney against the dukes reasons, alleaged the examinations, confessions and proofes of witnesses. The duke desired the witnesses might be brought forth: and then came before him Charles Knevet, sir Gilbert Perke his chancellor, John de la Court his confessor, and Nicholas Hopkins the monke of Henton, that had fed his humour with vaine speeches: divers presumptions and accusations were laid to him by Charles Knevet, which hee would have covered. But the depositions being read, and the deponents delivered prisoners to the officers of the Tower, finally he was found guilty by his peeres, and having.

and detestable treason and offences, as God forbid they should. God save the King."

It is to be remembred, that Somerset Herault was in the 100de loft behind the hachments of the saide duke Edward: and when Gartar spake these words, expelled and put from the armes,' then the saide Somerset violently cast downe into the quire, his creast, his banner, and sword. And when the publication was all done, the officers of armes spurned the saide hachment with their feete out of the quire into the body of the church, first the sword, and then the banner, and then was the creast spurned out of the said quire through the church out at the west doore, and so to the bridge, where it was spurned over into the ditch. And thus was the said Edward late duke of Buckingham fully disgraded of the order of Saint George, named the Gartar.

judgement to suffer as in case of treason is used, was led againe to his barge, and so conveyed by water, to the Temple staires, where ho was set a land, and from thence by land through London to the Tower with the axe afore him, sir William Sands having him by the right arme, and sir Nicholas Vaux by the left arine. And on the 17th of May, being the Fryday before Whitsunday, he was delivered to the sheriffes of London, who led him to the scaffold on the Tower-hill, about 11 of the clocke, and there he was beheaded, in the presence of sir Thomas Lovel and all the people: his body with the head was borne by the fryers Augustines to their church, and there buried in the chappell church for the close. And now followeth the publication at the dis- | grading of the saide Edward late duke of Buckingham, knight and companion of the most noble order of St. George, named the Gartar, which was read and published by Gar-["It is well known that, by the Attainder of the tar king at armes, at the feast of Saint George, in the quire of Windsore-Colledge, standing on the high pase at the dexe, all the other officers of armes about him, there being also present the lord marques Dorset knight of the same order, then being the kings deputy for the feast, the earle of Essex, the earle of Wilshire, the earle of Kent, sir Thomas Lovel, and the lord la Ware, knights of the said order, with great audience assembled there on the eight of June, the thirteene yeere of Henry the eight, the yeere of Christ, 1521.

"Bee it knowne unto all men, that whereas Edward late duke of Buckingham, knight and companion of the noble order of Saint George, named the Gartar, hath lately done and committed high treason against the king our soveraigne lord, and soveraigne of the saide order of the Gartar, in compassing and imagining the destruction of the most noble person of our said soveraigne lord the king contrary to his oath and due allegeance, and for the which high treason the said Edward hath bin indicted, arraigned, convicted, and attainted, for the which detestable offence and high treason, the saide Edward hath deserved to bee disgraded of the said noble order, and expelled out of the saide company, and not worthy that his armes, ensignes, and hachments should remaine among other noble ensignes of the other noble, vertuous, and approoved knights of the said noble order, nor have the benefit of the said noble order wherefore our said soveraigne lord the king, soveráigue of the said noble order of Saint George, named the Gartar, by the advice of the other knights of the said noble order, for his saide offences, and committing of the said high treason, willeth and commandeth that the said Edward duke of Buckingham be disgraded of the said noble order, and his armes, ensignes, and hachments cleerely expelled, and put from among the armes, ensignes, and hachments of the other noble knights of the saide order, to the intent, that all other noble men thereby may take ensample hereafter, not to committe any such haynous

The

duke of Buckingham, the subject of the preceding Trial, the great office of high constable, which was hereditary in his family, reverted to the crown, and has ever since rested dormant, except when granted for particular occasions, such as a coronation, and the holding of a court of the high constable. See 3 Hollingsh. 365. Co. Lit. 165, a. Keilw. 170. b. Dy. 285. 6. b. and the 2nd volume of Hearne's Antiquarian discourses. execution of the duke of Buckingham was soon after followed with a parliamentary attainder of him; the reason of which is not very obvious; unless indeed this sanction was added, that the two houses might have their share of the odium of his death with the king, his then minister cardinal Wolsey, and the particular peers, by whom the duke was condemned. Ro. Parl. in 1 Journ. Dom. Proc. cv. and the private acts of 14 H. VIII. 3 Parl. Hist. 37. 1 Dugdale's Baron. 170. However, some mercy was shewn to the duke's family. The same parliament made a provision for his duchess for her life; and also confirmed a grant from the king to Henry, the duke's eldest son, and his issue by his wife Ursula, of some of the forfeited estates. Ro. Parl. 1 Journ. Dom. Proc. cxxxii, cxxxiv. Sir William Dugdale calls the last act a restitution of blood, except to honours and lands; but improperly, the record shewing, that it was simply an act to confirm a grant from the crown, of part of the duke's real property. 1 Dugd. Baron. 171. The king also a few years afterwards extended his bounty to the same Henry, granting to him some more of the late duke's possessions, particularly the castle and manor of Stafford. Ibid. Further, in the first parliament of Edward 6, the same Henry Stafford was restored in blood, so far as to take the barony of Stafford, one of the family honours.' 1 Journ. Dom. Proc. 305, 522. Hargrave.

28. Proceedings relating to the Dissolution of the Marriage between King HENRY VIII. and CATHARINE of Arragon : 19 Hen. VIII. A. D. 1528. [Lord Herbert's Life and Reign of Hen. VIII. in 2 Kennett's Compl. Hist. 98. 1 Cobb. Parl. Hist. 507.]