And

but at such time as I was in France; my lord | upright with the said bishope of Rome, and his great master that now is, and my lord of Roch-highnes honour saved. Suche were the words, ford being in commission with me. And whether I wrote any then, or not, as God help me, I do not remember; but and I wrote any thing, I am sure both their hands were at it; and the master of the horse privy to the same. I do remember that after the death of the bishop of Hereford, Fox, it was shewed me that the said bishop had left a letter, which I had sent him, amongst his writings, which being found by a servant of his, that is now with master Deny, who shewd the same to the bishop of Durhain that now is, he caused him to throw the same in fier. As I do remember, it was my said lord bishop of Dureham that advised him to burn it; and as I also do remember, the matter that was conteyned therin, concerned lewde speaking of the Northern men after the time of the comotion against the said Cromwell. If there had been any thyng concering the king's majesty's affairs, neyther the bishope, nor he, were he now alyve, would not have concealed the same; and whether any part of that was in cypher, or not, as I shall answer to God, I do not remember.--The effect of another question, there asked me, was, as near as I can call to my remembrance, whether anie man had talked with me, that and ther were a good peace made betwene the king's majestie the emperor and the French king, the bishope of Rome would brek the same againe by his dispensation: And whether I enclined that waies, or not, to that purpose? As God help me now, at my most nede, I cannot call to my remembrance, that ever I heard any man living speak like words. And as for mine inclinations, that the bishope of Rome should ever have aucthority to do such thing; if I had twentie lives, I would rather have spent them all against him, then ever he should have any power in this realme. For no man knoweth that better then I, by reding of stories, how his usurped power hath increased from time to time. Nor such time as the king's majestie hath found him his enemy, no living man hath, both in his harte and with his tounge, in this realme, in France, and also to many Scotish jantlemen, spoken more sore against his said usurped powre, then I have done, as I can prove by good witnes. Also my said lord and Mr. Secretary asked me, whether I was ever made privy to a letter, sent from my lord of Wynchester and sir Henry Knevet, of any overture made by Grandville to them, for a way to be taken between his majestie and the bishope of Rome; and that the said letters should have come to his majestie to Dover, I being there with him. Wherunto this is my true answer. I was never at Dover with his highnes since my lord of Richmond died, but at that time, of whose death word came to Syttyngborne: and as God be my helpe, I never heard of no such overture, save that I do well remember, at such time as sir Francis Biryan was sore sike, and like to have died, it was spoken in the councill, that my lord of Winchester should have said, he could devise a way, how the king's majestie might have all things

or much like. Wherupon, as I had often said
in the councill, one was sent to the said sir
Francis, to know, if ever he heard the said bi-
shope speake like words; which he denied: and
as I do remember, it was sir Rauf Sadeler,
that was sent to the said sir Francis.
to say that ever I heard of any such over-
ture made by Grandville, or that ever I com-
moned with any man conserning any such
mater, other then this of the bishope of Win-
chester, as God be my help, I never dyd; nor
unto more thenne this, I was never prevye.-
Now, my good lords, having made answer ac-
cording to the truth of such questions as hath
been asked me, most humblie I beseeche you
all to be mediators for me to his most excellent
majestie, to cause such as have accused me (if
it might be with his high pleasure) to come
before his majestie, to lay to my charge afore
me, face to face, what they can say against
me and I am in no dout, so to declare my
selfe, that it shall appere I am falsly accused.
And if his pleasure shall not be, to take the
paine in his royall person, then to give you
commandment to do the same. My lords, I
trust ye think Cromwell's service and mine
hath not be like; and yet my desire is, to have
no more favour shew'de to me, than was
shew'de to him, I being present. He was a
fals man; and sewerly I am a trewe poore
jantleman. My lords, I think surelie there is
some fals man, that have laid some great cause
to my charge, or else I had not be sent
hither. And therefore, eftsonyts most humblie
I beseeche to finde the names, if they and I
may not be brought face to face, yet let me be
made privy what the causes are; and if I do
not answer truely to every point, let me not
live one howre after. For sewerlie I would
hide nothing of any questions that I shall
know, that doth concern my self, nor any other
creature.-My lords, there was never gold
tried better by fier and watter then I have
been, nor hath had greater enemys about my
soveraign lord, then I have had; and yet (God
be thanked) my trouth hath ever tried me, as
I dout not it shall do in theis causes. Suerly,
if I knew any thought I had offended his ma-
jestie in, I would suerly have declared it to
his person.-Upon the Tuysdaye in Whitson,
week last past, I broke unto his majestie,
moste humbley beseeching him to helpe, that
a mariage might be had between my daughter
and sir Thomas Semour; and wheras my son
of Surey hath a son and divers daughters;
that, with his favour, a crosse mariage might
have been made between my lord great cham-
berline and them: and also wher my son
Thomas hath a son, that shall (be his mother)
spend a thousand marks a yere, that he might
be in like wise maried to one of my said lord's
daughters. I report me to your lordships,
whether myn intent was honest in this motion,
or not. And whereas I have written, that my
truth hath been severely tried, and that I have

39. Proceedings against Various Persons in the Reign of Hen. VIII. for Treason, in denying the King's Supremacy; and other capital Crimes, principally relating to Religion. [1 Burn. Reformat. 351.]

The first instance of these capital proceedings was in Easter-Term, in the beginning of the 27th year of his reign. Three priors, and a monk, of the Carthusian order, were then endited of Treason, for saying, That the king was not Supreme Head under Christ of the Church of England.' These were John Houghton, prior of the Charter-House uear London, Augustin Webster, prior of Axholme, Robert Laurence, prior of Bevall, and Richard Reynolds, a monk of Sion. This last was esteemed a learned man, for that time, and that order. They were tried in Westminster-hall by a commission of Oyer and Terminer: they pleaded Not Guilty, but the jury found them Guilty, and Judgment was given that they should suffer as Traitors. The Record mentions no other particulars; but the writers of the popish side make a splendid recital of the courage and constancy they expressed both in their Tryal, and at their death. It was no dificult thing for men so used to the legend, and the making of fine stories for saints and martyrs. of their orders, to dress up their narratives with nuch pomp. But as their pleading Not Guilty to the Endictment, shews no extraordinary resolution, so the account that is given by them of one Hall, a secular priest that died with them, is so false, that there is good reason to suspect all. He is said to have suffered on the same account; but the Record of his Attainder gives a very different relation of it.

ful, and so industrious, made rigour necessary: nor is any general of an army more concerned to deal severely with spies and intelligencers, than he was to proceed against all the popes adherents, or such as kept a correspondence with Pole. He had observed in history, that upon much less provocation than himself had given, not only several emperors and forreign princes had been dispossessed of their dominions; but two of his own ancestors, Henry the 2d and king John, had been driven to great extremities, and forced to unusual and most indecent submissions by the means of the popes and their clergy.-The Pope's power over the clergy was so absolute, and their dependence and obedience to him was so implicite; and the popish clergy had so great an interest in the superstitious multitude, whose consciences they governed, that nothing but a stronger passion could either tame the clergy, or quiet the people. If there had been the least hope of impunity, the last part of his reign would have been one continued rebellion; therefore to prevent a more profuse effusion of blood, it seemed necessary to execute laws severely in some particular instances.-There is one calumny that runs in a thread through all the Historians of the Popish side, which not a few of our own have ignorantly taken up; that many were put to death for not swearing the king's supremacy. It is an impudent falshood; for not so much as one person suffered on that account; nor was there any law for any such onth before the parliament in the 28th year of the king's reign, when the unsufferable Bull of Pope Paul the 3rd, engaged him to look a little more to his own safety. Then indeed in the Oath for maintaining the Succession of the crown, the subjects were required, under the pains of Treason, to swear that the king was Supream Head of the Church of England; but that was not mentioned in the former Oath, that was made in the 25th, and enacted in the 26th year of his reign. It cannot but be confessed, that to enact under paine of death that none should deny the king's titles, and to projected to Henry as a cruelty, that many were ceed upon that against offenders, is a very different thing from forcing them to swear the king to be the supream head of the church. (a)

(a)" This sounds more like an apology, than just reasoning. Enforcing the Oath of Supremacy by the penalty of Treason, was resorting to the highest punishment known to our law. Wherein, too, consisted the material difference, in point of rigor, between treason for not swearing to the king's supremacy, and treason for denying it? Was it not equally the object of the statutes creating both crimes, to compel an acknowledgment of the king's supremacy by the same extremity of punishment? Can there be any reason to suppose, that those who were concerned in the deaths of bishop Fisher and sir Thomas More for denying the Supremacy, if it had been requisite, would have been so scrupulous as to hesitate about construing the refusal of the oath a denial? When it is ob

He and Robert Feron were indicted at the same time for having said many spiteful and treasonable things; as, that the king was a ty rant, an heretic, a robber, and an adulterer; that they hoped he should die such a death as king John and Richard the 3rd died; that they looked when those in Ireland and Wales should invade England: and they were assured that three parts of four in England would be against the king: they also said that they should never live merrily till the king and the rulers were plucked by the pates, and brought to the pot,

put to death for not swearing to his Supremacy,
without doubt every denial of it, whether im-
pliedly by refusing the oath, or expressly by
words, was meant: Therefore it is foreign to
the spirit of the remark to say, that they were
thus punished for denying the Supremacy, not
for refusing to swear to it. So verbal an an-
swer to the animadversion of Henry's enemies
would scarce have escaped the learned bishop,
if he had not been insensibly influenced by a
fear, lest the justice and propriety of the Refor-
mation should be prejudiced by the cruelty of
Henry's measures in its commencement.
the cause of truth is never finally helped by an
ill-founded argument. The Reformation rests
on a better foundation than the humanity of
Henry's actions; nor is there any necessary
connection between the one and the other, bad
and cruel princes being frequently the casual
instruments of great good to society." Har-
grave.

But

and that it would never be well with the Church till that was done.' Hall had not only said this, but had also written it to Feron the 10th of March that year. When they were brought to the bar, they at first pleaded Not Guilty; but full proof being brought, they themselves confessed the Enditement, before the jury went aside, and put themselves on the king's mercy; upon which, this being an imagining and contriving both war against the king, and the king's death, Judgment was given as in cases of Treason: but no mention being made of Feron's death, it seems he had his pardon. Hall suffered with the four Carthusians, who were hanged in their habits.

he sent to examine him about it; but he protested he had used no endeavours to procure it, and valued it so little, that if the hat were lying at his feet, he would not take it up. It never came nearer him than Picardy yet this did precipitate his ruin. But if he had kept his opinion of the king's Supremacy to himself, they could not have proceeded further. He would not do that, but did upon several occasions speak against it, so he was brought to his Tryal on the 17th of June (see p. 395.) The lord chancellor, the duke of Suffolk, and some other lords, together with the Judges, sate upon him by a commission of Oyer and Terminer. He pleaded Not Guilty, but being found guilty, They proceeded no further in Easter-Term: Judgment was passed on him to die as a trai but in Trinity-Term there was another com- tor; but he was by a warrant from the king, mission of Oyer and Terminer, by which Hum- bebeaded. Upon the 22d of June, being the phrey Middlemore, William Exmew, and Se- day of his execution, he dressed himself with bastian Nudigate, three monks of the Charter- more than ordinary care; and when his man house near London, were endited of Treason, took notice of it, he told him, he was to be that for having said on the 25th of May, That they day a bridegroom. As he was led to the place neither could nor would consent to be obedient of execution, being stopt in the way by the to the king's highness, as true, lawful, and obe- croud, he opened his New Testament, and dient subjects; to take him to be Supream prayed to this purpose; that as that book had Head on earth of the Church of England.' been his companion and chief comfort in his They all pleaded Not Guilty, but were found imprisonment, so then some place might tura guilty by the jury; and Judgment was given. up to him, that might comfort him in his last When they were condemned, they desired that passage.' This being said, he opened the book they might receive the body of Christ before at a venture, in which these words of St. John's their death. But (as judge Spelman writ) the Gospel turned up: this is life eternal, to know Court would not grant it, since that was never thee the only true God, and Jesus Christ whom done in such cases but by order from the king, thou hast sent.' So he shut the book with Two days after that, they were executed. Two much satisfaction, and all the way was repeatother monks of that same order, John Roches-ing and meditating on them. When he came to ter and James Wolver, suffered on the same account at York in May this year. Ten other Carthusian monks were shut up within their cells, where nine of them died. The tenth was hanged in the beginning of August. Concerning those persons I find this said in some Original Letters, that they had brought over into England, and vented in it, some books that were written beyond sea, against the king's Marriage, and his other proceedings: which being found in their house, they were pressed to peruse the books that were written for the king, but obstinately refused to do it. They had also been involved in the business of the Maid of Kent, for which, though all the complices in it, except those who suffered for it, were pardoned by act of parliament, yet such as had been concerned in it, were still under jealousy and it is no wonder that upon new provocations they met with the uttermost rigor of the law.

These Tryals made way for two others that were more signal: of the bishop of Rochester, and sir Thomas More. The first of these had been a prisoner above a year, and was very severely used; he complained in his letters to Cromwell, that he had neither cloaths nor fire, being then about fourscore. This was understood at Rome, and upon it, pope Clement, by an officious kindness to him, or rather in spite to king Henry, declared him a cardinal, and sent him a red-hat. When the king knew this,

the scaffold he pronounced the Te Deum, and after some other devotions his head was cut off. Thus died John Fisher, bishop of Rochester, in the 80th year of his age. He was a learned and devout man, but much addicted to the superstitions in which he had been bred up; and that led him to great severities against all that opposed them. He had been for many years confessor to the king's grand-mother, the countess of Richmond; and it was believed that he persuaded her to those noble designs for the advancement of learning, of founding two Colleges in Cambridge, St. Johns and Christs College, and divinity professors in both Universities. And in acknowledgment of this, he was chosen chancellor of the University of Cambridge. Henry the 7th gave him the bishoprick of Rochester, which he, following the rule of the primitive church, would never change for a better. He used to say his church was his wife, and he would never part with her, because she was poor. He continued in great favour with the king, till the business of the Divorce was set on foot; and then he adhered so firmly to the queen's cause, and the Pope's Supremacy, that he was carried by that headlong into great errors: as appears by the business of the Maid of Kent. Many thought the king ought to have proceeded against him rather upon that, which was a point of state, than upon the Supremacy, which was matter of conscience. But the king was resolved to let all

his subjects see, there was no mercy to be ex- which he had shewed in both conditions of life, pected by any that denied his being Supream and then set himself wholly to prepare for death. Head of the Church; and therefore made him He expressed great contempt of the world, and and More, two examples for terrifying the rest. that he was weary of life, and longed for death; This being much censured beyond sea, Gar- which was so little terrible to him, that his diner, that was never wanting in the most ser-ordinary facetiousness remained with him even vile compliances, wrote a Vindication of the on the scaffold. It was censured by many, king's proceedings. The lord Herbert had it as light and undecent. But others said, that in his hands, and tells us it was written in ele-way having been so natural to him on all other gant Latin, but that he thought it too long, and others judged it was too vehement, to be inserted in his History.