the two other branches of the legislature....of the crown, which had a right to suggest, and of the peers, who had a right of dis cussion.

Mr. Arthur Moore expatiated much at large on the impolicy of an Union, and strongly condemned it on various grounds; as did Colonel Vereker, Sir John Freke, and some others.

On a division the Anti-Unionists prevailed; 111 voted for the rejection of the contested paragraph, and 106 for its continuance. Mr. Ponsonby then proposed an amendment similar to his for mer motion; but, as it was deemed unnecessary, he consented to withdraw it.

The public exultation rose to a great height on this defeat of the ministry. The Unionists were insulted by the lower classes of the people, and the public prints joined in the

clamour.

The popular journals were lavish in their panegyrics of the Anti-Unionists: printed lists of the voters were circulated about gratis amongst the people, in order, as the superscription impor ted, that they might know their glorious and virtuous defenders, that every honest man might engrave their names and their services on his heart, and hand them down to his children's children.*

So sanguine was the British minister in his expectation of success, in carrying the measure of Union, that he did not think it advisable to await the result of the deliberations of the Irish senate upon it; but presuming on his strength in the Irish as much as in the British houses of parliament, he opened his plan of operations in both on the same day: accordingly on the 22d of January, 1799, a message from the sovereign was delivered to the British peers by Lord Grenville, recommending an Union in the following terms.

"His majesty is persuaded, that the unremitting industry, "with which our enemies persevere in their avowed design of "effecting the separation of Ireland from this kingdom, cannot "fail to engage the particular attention of parliament; and his "majesty recommends it to this house to consider of the most "effectual means of counteracting and finally defeating this de

sign: and he trusts, that a review of all the circumstances which "have recently occurred (joined to the sentiments of mutual "affection and common interest) will dispose the parliaments of "both kingdoms to provide, in the manner, which they shall "judge most expedient, for settling such a complete and final adjustment as may best tend to improve and perpetuate a con

* This list is to be seen in Appendix, No. CXVI.

"nection essential to their common security, and to augment "and consolidate the strength, power, and resources of the Bri"tish empire."

This message having been read, Lord Grenville proposed, that it should be taken into consideration on the ensuing day, and the lords summoned, to which the house agreed.

A similar message, on the same day, was presented to the commons by Mr. Dundas, who moved, that it should be considered on the morrow. Mr. Sheridan immediately rose, and while he declared his concurrence in the general sentiments which the message conveyed, he thought it but fair thus to give early notice, that he viewed the bringing forward of that question, at that time, as a measure replete with so much mischief, that he held it his duty to take the first opportunity to do every thing in his power to arrest the farther progress of it. He was convinced, that it was the common feeling in and out of that house, to adopt every measure that might tend to perpetuate and strengthen the connection between the two countries; because all were convinced, that a separation would not only injure, but be fatal to the inte rests and the existence of both. What he pointed at particularly was, the time of bringing forward the question. He readily joined in returning his majesty thanks for his communication; but instead of engaging to proceed to an early consideration of the subject, he should endeavour to persuade the house not to proceed at all to such a consideration.

Mr. Pitt in reply said, he was at a loss to guess on what grounds the honourable gentleman would attempt to satisfy the house they ought not to proceed to the consideration of the important measure, which his majesty, from his paternal regard to the interests of the empire, had thought proper to recommend to their consideration; at the same time he informed the house, that his intention was only to propose an address to his majesty on the next day; and then, after a sufficient interval, (about ten days) to proceed to the farther discussion of the subject. It was not his wish even then to press the house to come to a vote until the outline had been opened; then the general outline and principles would be submitted, and it would be proposed to have the resolutions printed, and to allow a farther interval, for the purpose of enabling gentlemen to be properly prepared for the discussion.

Mr. Sheridan considering the measure as the counsel of his majesty's ministers, said he deprecated the mischievous consequences of any discussion at all; and therefore was not to wait for a discussion, when he deprecated the consequences of it.

The motion for taking his majesty's message into consideration on the morrow was agreed to.

On the following day Lord Grenville in the House of Peers moved the order of the day for taking his majesty's message into consideration; no debate occurred; and the peers voted an address of thanks for his majesty's gracious communication, assuring him, that they would maturely deliberate on the subject recommended to their notice, and promote any adjustment for consolidating the general interests of the British empire.

When Mr. Dundas moved for a like address in the commons, he observed that it was then unnecessary to dwell on the subject, as a future day would be appointed for discussing it.

The address having been read, Mr. Sheridan said, that he conceived it incumbent upon ministers before they proposed the discussion of a plan of Union, to offer some explanations with regard to the failure of the last solemn adjustment between the countries, which had been generally deemed final. There was the stronger reason to expect this mode of proceeding, when the declaration of the Irish parliament in 1782* was recollected. The British legislature having acquiesced in this declaration, no other basis of connection ought to be adopted. The people of Ireland, who cherished the pleasing remembrance of that period when independence came upon them as it were by surprise, when the genius of freedom rested upon their island, would come to this second adjustment with a temper which would "augur not tranquillity but disquietude, not prosperity but "calamity, not the suppression of treason, but the extension "and increase of plots to multiply and ensanguine its horrors."

It might be deemed informal, he hoped it was not improper, to enter into the discussion on an address of thanks. There were topics on which silence would be unworthy of the majesty of truth, and his country had claims upon him, which he was not more proud to acknowledge than ready to liquidate to the full measure of his ability.

There was a time when it would have been intimated to him, that to agitate in that house any question relative to the affairs

We beg leave to represent to his majesty, that the subjects of Ireland are entitled to a free constitution; that the imperial crown of Ireland is inseparably annexed to the crown of Great Britain, on which connection the happiness of both nations essentially depends; but that the kingdom of Ireland is a distinct dominion, having a parliament of her own, the sole legislature thereof: that there is no power whatsoever competent to make laws to bind this nation, except the king, lords, and commons of Ireland: upon which exclusive right of legislation we consider the very essence of our liberties to depend, a right which we claim as the birth-right of the people of Ireland, and which we are determined, in every situation of life, to assert and maintain.

of Ireland would be an encroachment on the rights of the parlia ment of that country; and that such an insult to the dignity of that body, and to its competence of legislation, would inflame that quick spirit of independence, which the sister kingdom knew how to express, and had ever appeared both able and ready to infuse into a system of ardent intrepid opposition to every act of ulterior domination. But now that the question involved the independence and very existence of the Irish parliament, he did not suppose that any speaker would have recourse to such an argument. In discussing the intricate and delicate interests, which the king's message embraced, he could see the possible danger of increasing the discontent of the people of Ireland: but danger was to be apprehended from a violation of the rights and the independence of Ireland. Whatever might be the consequences of the present scheme, he was disposed to give credit to ministers for purity of intention. He could not suspect that they would propose a measure which they believed would ultimately cause a separation of Ireland from this country. He feared the

agitation of the question might rather encourage than deter our foes, and that the distraction which it might produce would aid their purpose.

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To render an incorporate union in any respect a desirable measure, the sense of the nation ought to be freely manifested in favour of it; but there was no prospect of obtaining such a concurrence; and an Union carried by surprise, by intrigue, by fraud, corruption, or intimidation, would leave both countries, with regard to permanency of connection, in a situation worse than the present: nor ought the Union to be obtained by following the advice of a pamphleteer (Mr. Cook) who hinted that we should recollect the game played off by the volunteers of Ireland to take advantage of Great Britain, and play the same game against them. Let them never have to say to the English, you offered us your assistance, against domestic and foreign enemies; we accepted it, and, in return, gave you affection and gratitude, and the irreproachable pledge of all the support in our power. You then took advantage with your 40,000 soldiers; you constrained us to submit to an Union; you would not wait for our consent. Some were afraid of being suspected of disloyalty, if they should come forward; others were banished; all were sensible that it was in your power, by acts of negative intimidation (the expression would be understood by those who talked of negative success) by refusing to send more men, or to relieve our pecuniary difficulties, to force an Union. If by such acts they deprived Ireland of the power of resisting any claims made upon her, if thus they wrung from her her independence, if thus they intimidated and corrupted her parliament to surren

der the people to a foreign jurisdiction, he would not justify the Irish in a future insurrection, but he would say, that the alleged grounds for it would wear a very different complexion from the late.

That the proposition itself should be entertained in Ireland, must be considered as an extraordinary case. To the period of the last solemn adjustment, the great impolicy and heinous injustice of the British government towards Ireland for 300 years is notorious and avowed. Is it then reasonable to suppose, that a country, the object of such insult for three centuries, when at last she had wrung from our tardy justice that independence, which she had a right to claim, and had obtained commercial advantages, should, only sixteen years afterwards, so far forget all prejudices, as to surrender the means, by which she acquired those advantages? Would this be the case, if the free sense of the country were manifested? But it is possible that, during those sixteen years, the parliament may have forfeited the confidence of the country. Do the Irish plead guilty to this charge? On the contrary, did not his majesty congratulate Ireland, that by the vigour of her parliament she had acquired an increase of prosperity? And that by the vigilance of the Irish parliament the late conspiracy was detected and brought to light: and when new disturbances are dreaded, was it to be dismissed? Was the detection of plots likely to be better effected by the English parliament ?

Would it be maintained, that the measure of an Union would not wholly dissolve the legislature of Ireland; that independence would survive Union, though in a modified state; and that the parliament would be left to judge of the local affairs of Ireland? Really this seems almost too much for men's feelings. A parliament! A sort of national vestry of Ireland, sitting in a kind of mock legislative capacity, after being ignobly degraded from the rank of representatives of an independent people, and deprived of the greatest authority that any parliament could possess! Could such a state be called a state of independence? And could we suppose that the Irish would agree to such an Union under any other circumstances than those of force?

Was the parliament of England competent or qualified to legislate for the parliament of Ireland? Impossible. Every advantage of situation favoured the one; the other was unfitted for governing, or giving law, by every disadvantage of situation and every dissimilarity of temper and habit. Lord Chancel lor Clare said, that the English parliament was less acquainted with the state of Ireland, than any other body of men in the world. How then was the parliament of England better