when it was considered that the transit or re-export trade of Bri tain amounted to 14,000,000l. a year, gentlemen would admit, that the prospect of national advantage from that part of the sys tem highly deserved their attention, and that there was no benefit, which the cities of Cork and Dublin might not expect, when, in order to carry that article into effect, the system of bonding foreign goods for exportation should be extended, and arrangements made for converting those harbours as far as possible into free ports.

Upon a review of the result of that article, they would find their linen trade secured, the prospect of a great woollen trade opened, a great manufactory of sail cloth encouraged, the British market opened by low duties (in case of their skilful use of domestic advantages), and at the same time secured for their great provision trade, whilst an additional encouragement was given to their farmers, in taking off the duty from the produce of their lands.

In considering the effect of the proposed commercial regula tions upon the revenue, they would again find the advantage of the system. The duties on the exportation of hides, tallow, cattle, and provisions, which produced 44,000% would cease; and the loss of revenue by taking off duties, and by lowering duties from 12 to 10 per cent. would amount to 32,000. Thus the total loss would be 76,000l.: but, to balance that loss, they would gain the duty of 11. 3d. a ton upon coals, which then was raised upon Irish consumption, and amounted per annum to 17,000%; they would gain the duties retained in England on subsidy goods, 9,000%; they would receive their proportion of 500,000%. from the India company, 58,000l. the whole amounting to 84,000l. Thus taxes would be remitted, at present raised either on Irish produce or Irish consumption, whilst the loss of revenue would be fully compensated by a transfer of duties then payable into the British exchequer.

The eighth section provided that a sum equal to what then was applied to charitable purposes, and to the encouragement of manufactures, should continue to be so appropriated annually by the united parliament; thus securing a continuance of the linen board, and other local institutions, which had hitherto received parlia mentary bounty.

He then reverted to the fifth article, and briefly discussed the ecclesiastical part of the plan of Union. The leading features of the whole system, he said, were, one state, one legislature, one church; and, if there should not be an identity with Britain in these great points of connexion, Ireland could not expect to enjoy real and permanent security. The church in particular, as long as the separation should continue, would ever be liable to be impeached upon local grounds, and would be unable to maintain

itself effectually against the argument of physical force, by which it was continually assailed: but, when once it should be completely incorporated with the church of England, it would be placed upon such a strong and national foundation, as to be above all apprehensions or alarms from adverse interest.

The Protestant, so long as the establishment remained separate, and was impeached on local grounds, would feel his power, his property, and his government insecure, and must naturally look with distrust and jealousy on the Catholic: The Catholic would feel proportionate alienation and resentment, and would continually urge his claims against the establishment of the minority; and thus there appeared no ray of hope of a termination to distrust, jealousy, and alarm. But, when the ecclesiastical establishments of the two kingdoms should have been incorporated into one church, the Protestant would feel himself at once identified with the population and property of the empire, and the establishment would be placed upon its natural basis. The cause of distrust must vanish with the removal of weakness; strength and confidence would produce liberality; and the claims of the Catholics might be temperately discussed, and impartially decided before an imperial parliament, divested of those local circumstances which would ever produce irritation and jealousy.

He took notice of the imputation, that the Catholic clergy have been bribed to support this measure. That was an illiberal imputation, thrown out for the dangerous purpose of weakening their authority over, by lowering them in the opinion of their flocks; for it was known, that an arrangement for the clergy, both Catholic and Protestant Dissenters, had been long in the contemplation of his majesty's ministers. As to the insinuation, that the measure of Union was a measure of bribery; if bribery and public advantage were synonymous, he readily admitted it to be a measure of the most comprehensive bribery that was ever produced. It bribed all the inhabitants of Ireland, by offering to embrace them within the pale of the British constitution, and to communicate to them all the advantage of British commerce. But perhaps there was one class in the community, to which an Union would not act as a bribe; he alluded to those who called themselves lovers of liberty and independence; of that liberty, which consisted in the abdication of the British constitution; that independence, which consisted in the abandonment of British connexion. He acknowledged, that those were bribes he was not prepared to offer: there were many, with whom he was not prepared to make any treaty, but the treaty of the law.

The only remaining question of importance was, that which related to the constitution of the parliament. The representation of Ireland by equal numbers having been urged as a measure re

quisite for a fair Union, his lordship reprobated the idea as founded on the common and refuted error, that the two kingdoms, after an Union, would retain distinct and adverse interests. If this should be admitted, the proposed remedy would even augment the disorder. Rival interests, far from being remedied by equality of numbers, would, from the circumstance of such equality, break forth into jealous and hostile competition. It would therefore be adviseable to proceed upon an opposite principle, and, on the ground of a community of interest between incorporated kingdoms, adjust the number of representatives by the criteria of wealth and population.

The population of Ireland was in general estimated from 3,500,000 to 4,000,000.* The population of Great Britain is supposed to exceed 10,000,000. The contribution proposed for Ireland to furnish to the expenses of the empire, is as one to 7. These two proportions taken together, will produce a mean proportion of about 5 to 1. If, therefore, Ireland should send one hundred members to represent her in the Imperial House of Com. mons, she would be fairly and adequately represented.

With reference to the peerage, he would propose that the representative body for Ireland should consist of four spiritual and twenty-eight temporal lords: and when it was considered, that above forty noblemen who had great interests and stakes in Ireland were already peers of Great Britain, he flattered himself, that their interests in that branch of the legislature would be sufficiently maintained by a body so numerous and respectable.

With regard to the appointment of the peers, who were to sit in the imperial parliament, he should propose that the four spiritual peers should sit by rotation of sessions, and that, for the prevention of the inconveniences, which resulted from septennial elections, the twenty-eight temporal peers should be returned for life. Such an arrangement appeared at once best calculated to secure their independence, and to preserve, as far as possible, the hereditary principle of the peerage. It was also intended to interfere in as small a degree as possible with any existing privileges of the peerage of Ireland; and he should suggest, with that view, that the peers of Ireland might still be allowed to sit in the House of Commons of the united parliament, for any county or borough of Great Britain; but that, during the period of their thus sitting as commoners, they should be tried as commoners, and be precluded from representing the Irish peerage, or voting at the election of any peer; and, as the Irish peerage materially differed from the Scotch, the titles of the latter being entailed generally, and the former limited to the heirs male, it was intended

There are many strong reasons for believing it to amount to near 5,000,000.

to reserve a power to the crown of creating Irish peers, provided that the number of peers existing at the time of the Union were not augmented.

In forming the representation of the commons of Ireland, he should suggest the expediency of increasing the proportion, and strengthening the influence of the counties. That principle was wisely adopted in the Scotish Union, when the representatives for the counties amounted to thirty, and those of the boroughs to fifteen. In following that precedent, he intended to propose, that the sixty-four members for counties should be elected as at present, and that thirty-six should represent the chief cities and towns of the kingdom. Here the proportion was nearly the

same.

In order to produce a return of thirty-six members only, to represent the boroughs and cities of Ireland, which consisted of one hundred and eighteen places, recourse must be had to some principle, either of selection or combination. The latter principle was followed in the Union with Scotland, where the boroughs were divided into fifteen classes, each class consisting of four or five boroughs, each borough electing a delegate, and the majority of delegates choosing a burgess. It had, however, been found by experience, that this mode of election was subject to much inconvenience and cabal; and he would therefore advise, that only the most considerable towns in the kingdom should be permitted to send representatives, and that the privileges of the other boroughs should cease. He would propose, that Cork and Dublin should each send two representatives as at present; that one should be returned by the University; and that thirty-one of the most considerable cities and towns of Ireland, whose relative importance was to be measured by the joint consideration of their wealth and population, should each send a member to the imperial parlia

ment.

In selecting the towns which should retain the privilege of sending members to parliament, the criterion he suggested, would be from the combined result of the hearth-money and wine dow tax.

As the disfranchisement of many boroughs would diminish the influence and privileges of those gentlemen whose property was connected with such places of election, he endeavoured to obviate their complaints by promising, that, if the plan submitted to the house should be finally approved, he would offer some measure of compensation to those individuals *whose peculiar interests should suffer in the arrangement.

This purchase of each borough for 15,000/. each, was supposed to have brought over many proselytes to the Unionists, who would otherwise have opposed the measure.

Much and deep objection might be stated to such a measure; but it surely was consonant with the privileges of private justice; it was calculated to meet the feelings of the moderate; and it was better to resort to such a measure, however objectionable, than adhere to the present system, and keep afloat, for ever, the dangerous question of parliamentary reform. If this were a measure of purchase, it should be recollected, that it would be the purchase of peace, and the expense of it would be redeemed by one year's saving of the Union.

Some might object, that a representation formed on the princi ple suggested, woud be too popular in its nature and effects; and, indeed, if Ireland were to remain separate from Great Britain, he should feel the full weight of that objection; but, as their representation was to be mixed with that of Britain, any danger arising from its popular constitution would be sufficiently counteracted by the consistency and stability of that body.

The last article would provide for the continuance of the exist ing laws, for the preservation of the courts of justice in their present state, for the removal of appeals to the House of Lords of the imperial parliament, and for subjecting the prize court of admiralty to the lord high admiral of the empire. He then spoke of the general plan in the following terms:

"Having now gone through the outline of the plan with as "much conciseness as possible, I trust I have proved to every "man who hears me, that the proposal is such a one, as is at once "honourable for Great Britain to offer, and for Ireland to accept. "It is one, which will entirely remove from the executive power "those anomalies which are the perpetual sources of jealousy "and discontent. It is one, which will relieve the apprehensions "of those who feared that Ireland was, in consequence of an "Union, to be burthened with the debt of Britain. It is one, "which, by establishing a fair principle of contribution, tends to "release Ireland from an expense of one million in time of war, "and of 500,000l. in time of peace. It is one, which increases "the resources of our commerce, protects our manufactures, se"cures to us the British market, and encourages all the produce "of our soil. It is one, that, by uniting the ecclesiastical esta"blishments, and consolidating the legislatures of the empire, puts an end to religious jealousy, and removes the possibility "of separation. It is one, that places the great question, which "has so long agitated the country, upon the broad principles of "imperial policy, and divests it of all its local difficulties.

It is

one, that establishes such a representation for the country, as "must lay asleep for ever the question of parliamentary reform, which combined with our religious divisions, has produced all distractions and calamities."

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