The Governance of EnglandG. P. Putnam's Sons, 1915 - 320 Seiten |
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Häufige Begriffe und Wortgruppen
able administration affairs assembly authority become Bill body Britain British Cabinet government century Chancellor chief Colonies Committee Conservative Crown debate defeat Democracy discussion doubt duties election electorate Empire England Englishmen executive exercised fact foreign functions Gladstone Government Home Rule House of Commons House of Lords Imperial important influence interest King Labour landowner leaders legislation Legislature less Liberal life-peers Lord Palmerston Lord Rosebery Lord Salisbury majority matters member of Parliament ment Ministry modern Monarchy nation nominated opinion organisation Parlia Parliamentary party peerage peers perhaps persons political politicians popular practice Premier prerogative President Prime Minister principle private member Privy Council Queen Queen Victoria question recognised Reform reign representative representative peers responsible result Royal Second Chamber Secretary Senate session social society Sovereign statesmen things throne tion United Kingdom vote wealthy Whigs whole
Beliebte Passagen
Seite 122 - My noble father, I do perceive here a divided duty: To you, I am bound for life, and education ; My life, and education, both do learn me How to respect you...
Seite 287 - Such an act she must consider as failing in sincerity towards the Crown, and justly to be visited by the exercise of her constitutional right of dismissing that Minister. She expects to be kept informed of what passes between him and the foreign Ministers before important decisions are taken, based upon that intercourse ; to receive the foreign despatches in good time ; and to have the drafts for her approval sent to her in sufficient time to make herself acquainted with their contents before they...
Seite 263 - To state the matter shortly, the sovereign has, under a constitutional monarchy such as ours, three rights — the right to be consulted, the right to encourage, the right to warn. And a king of great sense and sagacity would want no others.
Seite 135 - The laws reach but a very little way. Constitute government how you please^ infinitely the greater part of it must depend upon the exercise of the powers which are left at large to the prudence and uprightness of ministers of state. Even all the use and potency of the laws depends upon them. Without them, your commonwealth is no better than a scheme upon paper ; and not a living, active, effective constitution.
Seite 63 - Your representative owes you, not his industry only, but his judgment ; and he betrays, instead of serving you, if he sacrifices it to your opinion.
Seite 259 - General Commanding-in-Chief downwards ; she could dismiss all the sailors too ; she could sell off all our ships of war and all our naval stores ; she could make a peace by the sacrifice of Cornwall, and begin a war for the conquest of Brittany. She could make every citizen in the United Kingdom, male or female, a peer; she could make every parish in the United Kingdom a " university;" she could dismiss most of the civil servants; she could pardon all offenders.
Seite 159 - stated not less pointedly and decidedly his sentiments with regard to the absolute necessity there is in the conduct of the affairs of this country, that there should be an avowed and real minister, possessing the chief weight in the council, and the principal place in the confidence of the king.
Seite 67 - Thus about the close of the seventeenth and the beginning of the eighteenth century there was an officially designated frontier line for New England.
Seite 64 - I am to look, indeed, to your opinions; but to such opinions as you and I must have five years hence. I was not to look to the flash of the day. I knew that you chose me, in my place, along with others, to be a pillar of the state, and not a weathercock on the top of the edifice, exalted for my levity and versatility, and of no use but to indicate the shiftings of every fashionable gale.
Seite 228 - With a perfect Lower House it is certain that an Upper House would be scarcely of any value. If we had an ideal House of Commons perfectly representing the nation, always moderate, never passionate, abounding in men of leisure, never omitting the slow and steady forms necessary for good consideration, it is certain that we should not need a higher chamber. The work would be done so well that we should not want any one to look over or revise it.