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ways been the burden of his parliamentary effusions, and is now become that of his electioneering compositions. After these insinuations, too gross, and too palpable to be mistaken, he declares his opposition to have been to such a government, thereby convicting himself in the fullest manner; for the first part of his letter will evidently bear the construction, of a denial to the opinion, which he asserts Mr. Mainwaring to bave been endeavouring to impress on the public mind. He avows his opposition to have been to "any government by secret "and concealed torture." Is it the governments of Turkey, France, or Prussia which he opposes? I have not heard that either of these despotic powers have ever experienced any of his envenomed attacks. The question is therefore reduced to one point. It can be no other than the government under which he lives; under which his person, his property, and even his tongue, his lips, and his pen are free. Grateful patriot! This I suppose is patriotic consistency; or, may we not rather say, that in the heat of jacobinical rancour, consistency was forgotten and truth involuntarily forced its way. He says, that, the number of voters who have given their suffrages to Mr. Mainwar, is no proof to him, that they approve his political conduct. Sir Francis has been ader unfortunate in thus making numbers the test of approbation, and, furnishes another proof of the imbecility of the mind, which could suffer the heated impulse of an impassioned moment to prevail over prudence; I will examine this matter, and try him by his own test, on the score of political

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Out of 6143 votes, Sir Francis has a majority of 271, after a contest of unprecedented length, and in which, until the last two or three days, Mr. Mainwaring had a majority early double that of Sir Francis's. Report declares that this majority was not obtained a way, which a high sense of honour could easily justify. It is said, that, a few out of a considerable number of doubtful Ven, were artfully and purposely brought frward to vote for Mr. Mainwaring, who cted to them, as being, in his opinion, gal, but, that either Sir Francis, or his fends, expressed a conviction, of their lity. Mr. Mainwaring, like other hobest men, who are dupes to the artful, was taught in the snare, and the votes were accordingly admitted. A precedent being thas established, the whole body immediately came forward, and turned the scale in favour of the triumphant candidate. This speaks

for itself, it needs no comment. Setting aside the votes thus obtained, I apprehend Sir Francis would have little cause to iriumph in his supposed political superiority in the opinion of the electors; and, taking his own test as a criterion of the political merits of Mr. Mainwaring and himself, in the public opinion, it will appear that Mr. Mainwaring is considered by the county of Middlesex, as the most proper person to represent them.

Sir Francis highly elated by his success, and, in a moment of exultation and tumult of joy, undoubtedly considers himself as a most sublime patriot, and as the idol of the mob. Enviable distinetion!-I will allow him to be so; and, recurring again to his own test, assert, that Mr. Mainwaring is inferior only to him, in the proportion of 3207 to 2936, the numbers on the poll. By the same rule (his own) Sir Francis is infinitely inferior to Mr. Byng in political merit, as the latter gentleman has a majority over Sir Francis of no less than 641; a majority over Sir Francis, greater than his over Mr. Mainwaring. I conclude, still adhering to his own test, that this is no small proof of the real sentiments of the county, on the poli tical virtues of Sir Francis Burdett. If the votes alluded to, should ultimately prove null, what will become of his political vir tues. I will tell him; they will sink to the Bathos. Is this circumstance of the doubt. ful votes a fact, or is it not? If it is false, let Sir Francis Burdett come forth, in con scious virtue bold, and publicly deny it. It will wipe off one of the stigmas which this election bas fixed upon him.

But, the most serious charge I have against him is, the attempt he has made in this letter, to insinuate that government has had recourse to secret execution. This is so black and diabolical an insinuation, that no power of language can sufficiently mark its infamy. Does he mean to say, that prisoners have been secretly executed without a trial? Can he have the effrontery to assert it? Let him bring forward his proofs; proofs clearly substantiated. I dare him to do it. But no; he cannot; he dare not; and, the attempt to fix such a crime on the government, is to the full as atrocious as the actual commission of it, and merits the strongest, and most pointed reprobation.. Can measures, sanctioned by Parliament and approved by a vast majority of the country; measures, evidently adopted for the security of our persons, our properties, and our laws, be called tyranny and oppression? It has been the happy lot of this

I am,

&c.

Observer.

TO THE FRIEND OF MR. HUSKISSON.

Pall-Mall, 3d Aug. 1802.

country, to possess a minister, whose great | spicuously held up, to the detestation of the and comprehensive mind was competent to country. the difficulties of our situation; by whose effective and decisive measures, the disaffected have been crushed, and compelled to hide their diminished heads; and, it will reflect the most resplendent lustre on the British character to the latest posterity, that the people had the wisdom to approve, and the fortitude to support them. Sir Francis need not be told, that by these insinuations, he is highly reflecting on the Parliament; which he probably intends. The measures which have prevented the seditious from disturbing the peace and good order of the country, and for whose sufferings, though" justly inflicted, he feels such a tender regard, were approved in Parliament; and dares he censure its decree? It really excites something like a smile to observe how very limited is the loving kindness of this tender-hearted philanthropist. It has never come to my knowledge, that he has extend ed it to any other criminals. Did he ever bring before the House the cause of the widow or the orphan, unconnected with politics or of some unfortunate wretch, Janguishing in prison, rather through his own misfortunes, or the villainy of others, than from any crimes? Did he ever from the purse, which now so readily overflows; did he ever glad the heart of the unfortunate debtor, and restore him to his afflicted and starving family, and to society? Let him satisfactorily answer these questions, before he makes a parade of his philanthropic humanity, in behalf of acquitted felons and the pests of society.

He says, he loves his country, and its tranquillity. What a prostitution of the noblest of all principles! Our patriotic philanthropist proves this, by advocating the cause of its bitterest enemies. Is it love for our country to display, on every occasion, the most rooted animosity to its constitution and government? Is it love for our country to take a decided part with the seditious and disaffected? Is it love for our country, to treat with contempt the laws, and its administrators? Away with such hypocritical cant. If this be love of our country, I confess I have none of it. Sir Francis may again assert it; but, where is the credulous fool who will believe it.

The whole tenor of this letter is of so seditious and inflammatory a description, and marks so strongly the rancorous and Catalinian mind of the writer, that it canfot be too strongly reprobated, or too con

Sir, Having been contradicted by you. (see Register, p. 65) with respect to Mr. Huskisson's commercial connexions, I have naturally been led to pursue my inquiries relative thereto, and, in answer to your positive assertion, that Mr. Huskisson has "never been, either directly or indirectly, connected with any commercial establishment, "of any description, in any quarter of the world," I have now positively and publicly to assert, that, the assignees of Boyd and Benfield, bankrupts, found, in the ac counts of the said bankrupts, a balance of between twenty and thirty thousand pounds against your friend Mr. Huskisson, which money was paid by Mr Huskisson (out of what fund I know not) to the said assignees.Now, Sir, where the balance was so great, what must have been the amount of the account current? What must have been the magnitude of the transactions? They must surely have amounted to "a connexion, "either direct or indirect, with a commercial "establishment?" And the fact does, I am afraid, clearly prove you to have been deceived. Give me leave to hope, Sir, that you will clear this matter up; that you tell us how your friend came to be involved in this great concern, while he was under secretary of state, (for such you will have him to have been) in the office of that acute and disinterested gentleman, Mr. Henry Dundas; and, that you will also have the complaisance to inform us, whence the money came to discharge the balance due to Boyd and Benfield. In re-tracing Mr. Huskis son, we find him, in 1793, a garçon apoticaire at Paris; in 1794 and 1795 we find him a clerk in the alien office, on a salary of about three hundred a year; in 1796 he become under secretary of state, at a salary of 2,000 a year, in which situation the bank ruptcy of Boyd and Co. overtook him All the money he had ever received in hi whole life could not have amounted to mor than five or six thousand pounds, and as t his savings they must have been very sma indeed. Pray tell us, therefore, where h got the twenty thousand pounds to pay to th assignees of Boyd and Benfield.This is n private matter, Sir; Mr. Huskisson is a pub

will

lic man; he is resolved to be a public man;
his friend, Mr. Dundas, will thrust him for-
ward. Defeated at Dover, his tutelar deity
carries him off to the Highlands of Scotland.
I am to be compelled to submit to laws of
his making, and he shall be compelled to
submit to my investigation of the character
and conduct of himself and his patron.-In
my nest I shall inquire into the probable
connexion between the transactions with
Boyd and Benfield, and late transactions at
Dover, and in the Scotch boroughs.

I am, Sir, your most humble servant,
WM. COBBETT.

FOREIGN INTELLIGENCE.

DIET OF PRESBOURG.

tenance of a cruel war, and that all our thoughts, which it would have been agreeable to us to employ in the calmness of peace to the prosperity of our States, were entirely absorbed by the care of preserving the Monarchy entire, and securing, against inevitable dissolution, the bonds which unite so many people faithful to our person. For this reason the Diets which we then convoked had no other, and could have no other object than to deliberate on the means of removing the danger and defending the dignity of the Throne. In this we not only were assisted by your counsels, but we experienced also the efficacy of your support; for, when the chances of war permitted the enemy to penetrate at two different times into our Hereditary States of Germany, you spared no expense to collect always with incredible speed a new army fit for the operations of war, which aspired after nothing but danger and glory, and which never he sitated, under the direction and by the example of our well-beloved brother, your Duke Palatine, to sacrifice themselves for us and for the Monarchy.

"The remembrance of this generous de

First sitting, May 6, 1802.-The sitting W opened by a speech from one of the members, Simsey, Knight of the Order of St. Stephen, in which he reminded the States of the duties imposed on them by their conVocation. A deputation was then charged to repair to the Archduke Palatine, sitting with the Magnates of the Kingdom in ano-votion will never be effaced from our me ther ball, and to announce to his Royal mory; and we recollect also, and with no Highness, that the States had obeyed the less satisfaction, that not only some, but orders of his Majesty in repairing to their all of you, inspired by the most affecting posts. The Archduke Palatine replied by love for us and for your country; were not another deputation, composed of Magnates, satisfied with granting the subsidies in men, and assured the States of his attachment, money, and provisions decreed by the States, good wishes, and satisfaction. The States but by a free and spontaneous movement you made choice of the members who were to made a sacrifice to the public cause of all repair to Vienna, in order to invite their the means which were in your power. But, Imperial Majesties to honour the Diet with notwithstanding the cares which the war retheir presence. A discussion took place, on quired, we never ceased, as much as circumthe manner in which their Majesties were stances would permit, to turn our attention to be received, on the interior organization to the internal happiness of our States; and of the sittings, and on the division of the la- we ought, indeed, to say, that those whom bour.-The sitting then rose. you appointed to act in concert with us discharged worthily, and agreeably to our royal will, the task imposed upon them, by devising and proposing every thing that could tend to maintain and promote the public welfare. Now that we are freed from the cares of war, our paternal solicitude, though claimed by every part of the public administration, ought, however, to be particularly directed towards the means which tend to guarantee external security, which is the basis of all civil existence; for, as has been proved by the recent dangers of the war, it "It is needless to call to your remem- is impossible to enjoy one's property unless brance here what no one can be ignorant it be secured from foreign incursions. This of, viz. that the first years of our reign security can be effectually acquired only by Were destined through necessity, to the main-keeping in readiness all the means neces

Second sitting, May 11,-Report of the deputation sent to Vienna. The States were then engaged with some details on lodging the members. The sitting then rose.

Tbird sitting, May 13.-The speech addressed to their Majesties the preceding evening on their arrival at Presbourg, was read. His Majesty entered the hall of the asely-His appearance was celebrated by several orators, among whom was Count Platfy. The Emperor addressed the States

as follows:

sary for its defence, and these means themselves can be acquired only by efforts and sacrifices.

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"We shall not enter into any farther explanations. We have the certainty of being understood, and the confidence that your dispositions can never be any other, than those which you have always testified, even in the most difficult conjunctures It is with this confidence that we signify to you our royal will, and the wishes which we judge useful to the public prosperity. After the sentiments which are well known to us, and which animate both the heart of a beloved brother, and that of all orders of the state, we have no doubt that you, gentlemen, will all make it a duty to deliberate with that gravity, which is suited to the importance of the object, and with that celerity, which will cause every thing that may be more particularly interesting to the internal prosperity, to be immediately discussed with success.

"In regard to us, we have, and never will have any thing so much at heart as to labour, as we are obliged, that we may rest on solid bases, and transmit untouched to our successors, the maintenance, dignity, and happiness of the kingdom of Hungary, of that kingdom which we have always considered as one of our firmest supports, both in regard to the numerous advantages we derive from its soil, and of the noble sentiments and warlike ardour by which the inhabitants are animated. Persuaded then, as we are, of the attachment of all orders of the state, and convinced of the share we shall have in the glory and affectionate remembrance of posterity, we wish, gentlemen, that you may all and each of you be assured of our Imperial and Royal clemency."

Then followed a speech from the Archduke Palatine, and a declaration of attach ment in the name of the States.

When the Emperor had retired, the Arch duke Palatine made known, through the organ of the Prothonotary of the kingdom, the propositions which were to be the object of the deliberations of the Diet. These propositions were, 1st, To provide that the regular militia of the kingdom of Hungary should be always complete. 2d. To increase the price of salt, it being known that the ordinary revenue of two millions of florins is not sufficient to cover the expenses of the state.

The States having deliberated upon the propositions of the Emperor, agreed; upon proof of the present state of the Hungarian

legions, to pay the precise sum required in augmentation, in consideration of a free exportation of its productions being granted to Hungary, not only for the Hereditary States, but every foreign country whatever. The answer of the Emperor, communicated by the Archduke, stated that the number of troops should be according to the capitulation of 1790 and 1791, and to be raised by conscription; that two millions of florins were necessary for present expenses; and that he must consult with the States before he could grant the demand with respect to trade in its full extent. This answer being discussed, it was finally agreed, that the number of troops to complete the Hungarian army should be granted until the next Diet, the operation of raising them to be in proportion to the population; and should circumstances require a greater force, the point to be settled with the States in a Diet convened for the purpose. This plan being communicated to the Archduke Palatine, he in a few moments after announced his assent to it.

Proclamation made by Ricbepanse, General in Chief of the Army of Guadaloupe, to the Ins babitants of that Colony.

Citizens! I hasten to announce to you, that the French Revolution has at length reached its ultimate degree of power and stability. The definitive peace has just reconciled all the nations of Europe; and you see, by the articles of that solemn compact, how advantageous the stipulations have been in favour of the Mother-Country. Know further, that the government which has sant me, actuated by its profound wisdem, lus nearly brought to perfection, in the core of two years, the work of public felicity. Its power is not to be shaken, because it resides in a well-founded confidence in the regard of good Citizens, and in the affection and energy of the armies, which is respected by the Cabinet of every Sovereign, and blessed by all the children of the Republic.The warriors whom I have introduced among you, are part of those on whose victories was raised, on the 8th Brumaire, the new constitutional edifice. Go, said the French Government, to them, elevate your glory to the highest pitch, by triumphing over the last opposition to its authority in distant countries. There you will have less enemies to conquer than errors to correct-your presence will dissipate them. The inhabitants of Guadaloupe have offered their tribute of courage, by preventing the destruction of their country. There is in the profession

of arms a happy sympathy, which unites by the ties of honour all the defenders of their country. They desire to become the asso-prietor, who shall be found assembled in arms, shall be immediately shot.-As to the commune of Eunery, I order it to be disarmed immediately, for having been so tardy in submitting.-General Brunet will see this order executed.-The Chief of the Etat Major will print, publish, and post up the present order, with the letter of Gen. Toussaint, and circulate it throughout the army and the colony.

quence, every commandant of the National Guard, every officer, every manager or pro

Leclerc.

Louverture, to Citizen Fontaine.

ciates of your reputation; they hope to find in you brothers, and soon the ancient bonds which attached them to the common centre, will be confirmed by you.-It is my duty, Citizens, to realize this hope; it is also the wish of my heart to do so. Those brave soldiers who have so many times confronted death against the enemies of France, are only here as the protectors of your homes, and as models of virtuous warriors and Frenchmen, like yourselves. The act of authority of their chief, will be assurances of your Copy of a Letter of the Ex-general Toussaint happiness. You will anticipate their effects by your voluntary return to good order, by an entire submission to the government which I represent, and by the oblivion of animosity; but if the important ministry I am come to fulfil among you, should fail in producing universal conviction, and if there should any remain who are so senseless as to disregard the legitimate power of the government, the natural vengeance, which has been so long restrained, will overwhelm them.-Disgrace and death will be their portion. The present proclamation shall be printed, published, affixed, and sent to the Communes.-Done at Pointe-à-Pitre, the 17th Floréal, 10th year of the French Republic, one and indivisible.

Ricbepanse.

Head-Quarters at the Cape, June 11, 1802. Citizens, That Toussaint conspired, you will be able to judge by the annexed letter to Citizen Fontaine. I could not compromise the tranquillity of the colony. I arrested him, made him embark, and sent him to France, where he must render an account of his conduct to the French Government. In another letter, addressed to Citizen Fontaine, he loads General Christophe with invective, and complains that General Dessalines had abandoned him. He had prohibited Sylla from laying down his arms, and forbid the cultivators to labour in any other plantations than those adapted to their own subsistence. -He had sent one of his accomplices to General Dessalines, to engage him to break good faith. General Dessalines declared it me. He relied much at St. Marc, on Manisset. He is arrested. I have proceeded with severity against this great criminal; and I ordered the Generals of division of the army, to compel by force all the cultivators who are yet in arms in the mountains, to turo.The cultivators are not so culpable as those who lead them astray. In conse

Quarter of Louverture, May 27, 1802. You send me no news, Citizen, Remain at the Cape as long as you can.It is said General Leclerc is ill at Tortue: be particular in informing me relative to that subject.-We shall see.. for the a.... of have as before, it cannot be sent till they the news. As to the corn, which we must have passed the Saona, in order to know the point where it can be placed in safety.-If you see the General in Chief, be sure to tell him that the cultivators will no longer obey

me

They wish to labour at Hericourt, which the manager ought not to suffer.Try if you can gain some person near the General in Chief, in order to render D... free-he will be very useful to me by his credit, as to news and otherwise.-Tell Gengembre that he must not quit Le Borgne, where the cultivators must not labour.-Direct to the habitation of Najac.

Toussaint Louverture. An exact copy, collated with the original. The General of Division, Chief of the Etat Major of the army-Dugua.

The Hague, July 22.-It is said that the Government of State has summoned the Legislative Assembly to hold an extraordinary meeting on the 2d of August ensuing.

General Macdonald, it is expected, will have the command of the French troops in this Republic, in the room of General Victor, who, it is said, goes out to Louisiana, as Commander in Chief and Governor General..

July 23.-The Commercial Treaty, which is negotiating, as we are informed, with England, will doubtless introduce some modifications of the prohibitory system which now prevails. Experience has sufficiently shewn that prohibitions do not prevent the introduction of foreign articles of

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