sels are now building, and that many have been launched since the peace; and still greater efforts are making to recruit the fleets of France. I do not mean by this statement to express any apprehension of the superior power of the British navy, in the event of an engagement with any fleet, even with a disparity of force; but I wish the House and the country should keep in view the rapidly increasing maritime strength of that nation, whose gigantic power and influence is such, that it must be understood, that when we speak of the navy of France we speak of the navy of Europe. Before, therefore, we undervalue the naval force of France, we should consider the exsent of the whole naval force of Europe; and more, that every acquisition she makes is a deduction from us; that it tells doubly against us; for every accession of territory to France is an exclusion of England. In the event of a war, the influence she has established on the continent would be sufficient utterly to exclude us; for what assistance could we hope to derive from Portugal? that country dare not, perhaps would not interfere. Let us only consider the state of the Portuguese, from the insult recently offered to a British officer in the port of Lisbon, in the presence of our Sovereign's son. Perhaps it may be stated that some satisfaction has been had; but I would I ask, could such an indignity have been offered at a former period to the British flag while Portugal had the power or the will to respect us? was it probable? I quote this event only to shew how differently the Portuguese are disposed to us to what they formerly were. The subserviency of Spain to France no man can doubt, and the endeavours of France to exclude us from every port in the Mediterranean; her insatiable ambition and her hostile views are equally obvious; her pretensions in Africa, and wherever she can interfere with the interests of our navy, must excite the attention of every man who feels for our security. The Morea and the republic of the Seven Isles are not even safe from her attacks; day after day adds something to her conquests; and if the last rumour can be credited, it is in contemplation to add Tuscany to her dominions. The French government takes possession of what she pleases, under the delusive and insulting pretence of interfering to tranquillize, and make other nations happy. On the subject of Switzerland, I cannot help saying a few words as to the conduct of Ministers; their strange and contradictory language, their affectation of dignity, and boast of not having committed the honour of the country: but what is the fact? Within the last two days have been told that a gentleman, holding a very high situation in the Secretary of State's office, was a considerable, time during, and previous to, the disturbances in Switzerland, resident at Constance, and held frequent conferences with the principal directors of the Swiss insurrection. If this anecdote be true, I it does not tally with the assertion that Ministers have not committed the honour of the country. To return to the Mediterranean : the French government have succeeded in completely depriving us of every port in that sea, except Malta; and I say, if Government do their duty, they will retain that island. It is, I understand, retained; but why, I am ignorant, and so is the House. This forms a part of the explanation I desire from Ministers, together with the conditions upon which it is to be given up, if such a surrender is now intended. Is it only held until the court of Petersburgh agrees to guaranty it? and does that court decline to advance her money to join in that guarantee, notwithstanding the positive assertions of the Minister, on a former day, that she would? I should be happy if that power perseveres in her refusal, and then, of course, there will be no apology for abandoning that important fortress, which we ought to hold. Indeed I have no hesitation in saying that it is incumbent on Ministers to retain all the places covenanted by treaty to be given up, which are still in our possession. In the present circumstances of Europe, and from the conduct of France since the peace, I maintain that such a proceeding would be consistent with justice and equity, and it is evidently called for by every principle of policy. It has always been my opinion that Malta must be under the protection of E gland or France, and it is decidedly my opinion that it is essential to our best interests to hold it now, as a port for our navy. If in Europe the prospect is so discouraging, is there any consolation to be derived from the West or East Indies? Certainly not. We have every reason to apprehend dangerous consequences to our colo nies, particularly Jamaica, from the force in St. Domingo; and that danger is aggravated, from a consideration of the force at Louisiana, and the recent cession of Martinique; a cession most extremely impolitic, and rather surprising if the report be genuine, which is universally believed, that some time before the meeting of Parliament, Ministers sent out orders to retain all the settlements which were not actually surrendered. If so, it is of moment to ascertain, whether Ministers, at the time they were calling for 50,000 seamen, in the apprehension of war, were justified in giving up the key of the French islands. Wherever we turn our eyes, we must see the progressive aggrandizement of France. She is, I understand, imme diately to take possession of Cochin, in the East Indies, a place of no commerce, which can afford no attraction in that way. Then the only use it can be, and doubtless the only view with which it can be taken hold of by France, is, that it is a strong place, and will afford opportunities of negotiating with the native powers. From this circumstance, and from the language generally held by the French newspapers, I can have no doubt of the disposition of France to interfere for what, in their cessary estimates were presented, and on Tues day last notice was actually given, that the vote required for the ensuing year would be 50,coo seamen, which were moved for yeste day. He had on that occasion reason to expect, from the dispositions manifested by cer tain Gentlemen, that some questions would be usual cant, they term the happiness of India. In such a state of our affairs in every quarter of the world, I will ask, can the House confirm the resolution of the Committee of Supply, without some explanation from Ministers, whether we are to be at war or peace? If the Right Hon. Gentleman will shew a necessity for this force, no rational Englishman can ob-put, and some discussions ensue; and he was ject to the vote; but perhaps that necessity may appear to demand a still larger force; and I confess that I, for one, should not wish to see a less; but I would desire to know how Ministers mean to apply it, what is to be their general use, &c.-(A smile on the Treasury Bench.) Mr. Grenville noticed it. Gentlemen may smile, supposing that I want to know the destination of this force; but I cannot look for any intelligence so improper. My object is to know the animus, the mind with which this force is to be employed. Is it to make war? Is it to enable Ministers to speak with weight, authority, and effect, in the affairs of Europe? They have had 70,000 seamen at their service, and yet that number did not enCourage them to interfere on the continent with weight, authority, or effect. This experience forbids the hope that any force can communicate a firm and manly character to such an Administration. Perhaps they want this force, in order that it may lie still at home, waiting for the enemy to find it out. I should be happy to receive a satisfactory explanation from the Right Hon. Gentleman. If he declines any, I hope the House will decline to adopt his proposition, and I pledge myself to move for its recommittal." ገር ord. then prepared and ready to enter into any de The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said, he hoped the House would do him the justice to believe, that it was not in consequence of the menace held out by the Right Hon. Gentleman, in the latter part of his speech, that he then rose to address them, nor did he think it necessary to say any thing to the imputation of direspect and contempt, and a disposition to bring disgrace upon the House. The Right Hon. Gentleman charged him with being silent; he, on the other hand, charged the Right Hon. Gentleman with being present in his seat last night when the vote was passing, and of not having said a single word relating either to his own objections, or to the silence of the Ministers. Ministers, he said, had never expressed any confident expectations from the pacific views of France; and when it was urged against them that large military establishments were not kept up, though they themselves, on the first day, confessed the necessity of them, they answered to the untrue and unjust charge made against them of having disbanded a considerable part of the military force, that none of the military whatever had been disbanded, with the exception of some cavalry; and that they then maintained 50.cco seamen, though 45,000 were deemed sufficient in the first year of the war. In a few days afterwards the ne 1513] States, Mr. A. proceeded to state that the government of Malta, though he might have said that we had obtained the guarantee of Malta. In order to shew the nature of that danger represented as threatening us from without, he stated, that at the cominencement of the war the naval forces of the three powers 80 ships of the line. ditto. were, France Spain, in 1797 79 40 bitto. preparation; but still he wished more to rest the augmentation on the broader principle of the present state of Europe, and the necessity of such a powerful defensive system as would place the subjects of this country in a state of security, and a condition to enjoy the blessings of peace. The Right Hon. Gentleman said, he has extended his statement to a general view of the maritime state of the different countries of Europe, and a description of the dangers with which this country is threatened by it. Beginning his review with Russia, he expresses great concern at that court's shew-ill-founded rumour, I can assert, on the auing a disposition favourable to the views of thority of the gallant Admiral himself, that France. He goes to the convention concluded the French have not at Toulon more than five with the Northern Powers; but as he has de- ships of the line ready for sea, and that at Čar=ferred that subject to some future discussion, thagena there is a still smaller number." He for that subject I shall take the liberty of re- denied his ever having said, that we had obEserving myself. I cannot, however, pass over tained the guarantee of Russia for the manwhat he has attributed to my Noble Friendner in which arrangements were made for the (Lord Hawkesbury), of having said, that the glorious victory off Copenhagen threw difficulties in the way of the subsequent negotiations. What he said was, that notwithstanding the previous event of the death of the Emperor Paul, and all the advantages of that victory, never excelled in splendour of execution, still the negotiations alluded to experienced many difficulties. The subject he next alluded to, is the great activity prevailing in the naval department of Holland, where new ships are constructing, old vessels repairing, and every exertion using to put the maritime power of that country on a formidable footing. But, considering its former greatness, how are its present efforts to be wondered at, or what cause of alarm is there? Having, in the course of the last war, lost 16 ships out of 41 they possessed before, it is endeavouring to replace that damage by increased building and repairing. I acknowledge that the maritime power of France, Spain, and Holland, must, under the present circumstances, be considered as one, and trust that England will take care never to view them in any other light; but the Right Hon. Gentleman is very much mistaken in representing that the navy of Russia, or of any of the other maritime powers, can in any way be taken as a part of the force of France. With regard to Portugal, it is notoriously true, that a flagrant insult was offered to the Eng ish flag; but that should not be taken as a proof of design or premeditated ill disposition; for no sooner was a representation made of it, than the court of Lisbon, without the smallest hesitation, hastened to repair the indignity, by sending all the persons concerned in the insult immediately to Lisbon, and took every step to afford the most complete and immediate satisfaction. That the satisfaction was ample, must be evident from the circumstance that the officer himself was satisfied, and made no farther complaint; and we all know that individuals of that description feel with delicacy and extreme sensibility upon every point of honour. With regard to the Mediterranean Amount in the whole to 199 By the result of our operations in the progress of the war these were reduced to 123. The state of the combined navy at present was, of the line-France, 39; Spain, 68; Holland, 24-Total, 131. England, of the line, 196; frigates, 243; sloops, &c. 229-Total 659. By this it would appear, that our excess over the combined navy was no less than 60 sail of the line, exclusive of a very great superiority of smaller vessels. Sir SIDNEY SMITH, in his maiden speech, expressed his cordial approbation of the proposition now before the House, nor could there, in his opinion, be a difference of sentiment respecting the expediency of keeping up such an establishment as would afford us the means of acting with energy, as circumstances might seem to require. There were one or two points, however, on which he begged leave to make a few observations. When votes were passed for keeping up a strong naval force, he trusted that the dock-yards would be kept on a respectable footing. It had come to his knowledge, that a very considerable number of in. dividuals had been placed in circumstances of great distress in consequence of their dismissal from the situations in which they formerly supported themselves and their families with comfort. When he reflected on the high character of the Noble Lord who presided, with so much ability over the naval department, when That he turned his attention to the numbers of dis. | admitted of a good deal of doubt, whether a tressed seamen who were relieved by his Lord- mansion for disabled seamen might not be ship's private bounty, he could not for a mo. formed which might be more beneficial to the ment allow himself to think, that any thing sufferers, and attended with less expense to like injustice to individuals would have been the public. Instead of dismissing them to practised, from a deficiency in the allowance their homes with such an inadequate provision provided by the public for the support of this after all the long toils and perils of war, every very important branch of the service. He dictate of policy suggested that they should threw out this as a matter worthy of consider- quit the service impressed with gratitude for ation, and in the confidence that it would not the ample provision made for them by their escape the attention of Ministers. It was a country, and ready, on the first call of danpoint of infinite consequence, that those em- ger, again to embark in its service. It was ployed in any part of the naval services, but plain, that in the prospect of war, nothing more especially in the dock-yards, should not was of such consequence as that of our navy be forced by extreme distress to enter into the should be promptly equipped, and nothing service of other powers. It was his firm con- could so effectually promote this object as atviction that there were few who could be in- taching the seamen to the service by gratitude. duced to enter into the service of our grand He took it for granted, however, when he said rival; and nothing but stern necessity could this, that war was not looked to either in this ever compel them to take a step against which country or in France. Military men here, as the motives were so powerful. He had re in France, were anxious for a respite from the ceived numerous applications on this subject; horrors of war, not from any selfish motives, but he had uniformly answered, that he was but from a feeling of compassion for those resolved not to be the representative of those brave men who might fall in any new contest. who had done him the honour to elect him, in To feel compassion for human distress, occa the antechambers of Ministers, or in the hallssioned by the war, was the inseparable attri of office, but would take an opportunity of bute of true courage; and to the bravest bringing the subject under consideration in his spirits, victories were often painful. place as a member of that House. This he there might, however, be a probability for had now done, and he hoped the business would the continuance of peace, it was above al! be attended to. On the general subject now things essential that we should have the means before the House he not only deprecated any of speedily equipping our navy. He was inreduction of the number of seamen to be em-clined to believe that there existed on the part ployed, but was strongly inclined to think that it was hardly adequate to the circumstances in which the country was placed. It ought to be recollected by the House that a military force could not start into motion in this country in a moment, as on the continent, which had for so many years been formed into a great camp for war. For the sake of humanity, he hoped, that a speculative war would not be renewed; but that if unfortunately hostilities should become unavoidable, we should not be forced into it without adequate resources. There was with him an additional reason for wishing that the number of seamen to be kept up should rather be increased than diminished. It was drawn from the vast numbers of distressed seamen who in every quarter were to be found. The House would recollect that none but able-bodied seamen were employed in the merchant service. The consequence was, that the other descriptions of seamen were thrown wholly out of employment, and left to the precarious charity of the public, or to the very inadequate provision which national liberality assigned them. Was a sum not exceeding seven pounds a year any thing like an adequate provision for men who had lost a limb, or an eye, in the service of their country? He was convinced every one present was sensible of its inadequacy. Greenwich Hospital, though a grand monument of national beneficence, was not sufficiently comprehensive in the objects which it embraced; and even if it were extended, it was a question which of the French government a desire to preserve the peace; and he was sure if such a dispos tion did exist, it would be materially strength ened by a formidable navy on the fart of this country. Changes of government in France were, however, sudden and unexpected. He had himself had the misfortune to be presentat, two of these explosions, and in France they were considered as mere matters of course. They were like the mere decorations of a theatre, which excited no sort of uncommon emo tion. On one of these occasions he had ob served several of the turnkeys active in preparing lodgings for new prisoners, who were hourly expected. They made no secret of the light in which they viewed arrests, either of the governors or the governed. To his inquiries respecting the cause of such prepara tion, their answer was, that there had been high words in the Councils, and that new tenants for these lodgings might arrive that night. Their suspicions were just; for on that very same night, he believed, several member of the Councils actually took up their abode n prison. The period to which he alluded was the period which was styled the 18th Fracti dor, in the favourite French gibberish. With the utmost composure the instruments of the most dreadful enormities walked about with their hangers, ready for some new atrocity; and deliberately consoled themselves, that a this tragedy they were only actors, not managers, nor even authors. With the persona then governing France, a subject for acting was never wanting. Julius Cæsar might have been introduced, but numerous other great sub. jects were untouched. Constantinople and Tippoo Saib might be introduced with great scenic effect; and, at all events, they had only to take an old stock-piece, which was sure at all times to be received with favour; and that was no other than the invasion of Britain. If the feelings of the French people were to be worked upon, out of 28 millions there never would be wanting numbers to undertake any desperate expedition. Supposing that such a convulsion as that to which he had alluded should unfortunately take place, there would be thousands ready to undertake any thing which should have for its object the destruction of this country. If our navy was kept on a respectable establishment, he had not, nor could any reasonable man entertain, the least apprehension from any such hostile and desperate efforts. From the situation which, during a year, he had held on the French coast, to watch the motions of their fleets, he could state with certainty to the House, that from the ports of France itself there was no danger to be apprehended of sudden invasion. In all their harbours, from which vessels adapted to the purpose of sudden invasion could sail, he had observed that there was no opportunity for vessels drawing more than 18 feet to leave them even at high water, without being artificially dragged beyond the pier, and the greatest num. ber which in one day could leave the different ports of France could not exceed sixty, even on the largest calculation. Sudden invasion from those ports therefore was not to be dread. ed. But the case was widely different since France had obtained so many ports on the eastern shores opposite those parts of this country which were most liable to invasion; for from the influence which France possessed over Holland, every Dutch port was to be supposed to afford, in every point of view, facilities for any project of sudden invasion. If, there. fore, any of those Brutuses who had figured at the time to which he had already alluded, should succeed in putting an end to the life of the First Consul of France-an event which he for his part most heartily deprecated, and would, if any thing depended on him, use every means to prevent, from horror at a crime in all cases to be abhorred and execrated-a fleet might, in the course of one night, land forces in this country, and proceed to outrages the most dreadful, before invasion was anticipated. The Hon. and gallant Knight concluded with earnestly impressing on Ministers, in common with the House, the necessity of holding out every encouragement to those employed in the public service. He placed in a striking point of view the mischief which would result from an idea going abroad, that the honourable service of the country in the military or naval departments was not likely so rapidly to conduct to honours or re. wards as services of a much less respectable kind. He begged the House to consider, that if any thing existed to justify such an idea, there would not be wanting persons to improve on the hint, however suggested. The Hon. Member, in illustration of his sentiments on this part of the subject, alluded to some notices of this description, which had appeared on the cover of a publication pretty generally circulated, in which the roads to the favour of Majesty and the honours of Knighthood were much more e sily to be purchased than through the tedious and laborious toils of war. After reading this strange notice he sat down, proposing to hand it over to his Majesty's Attorney General, who would, no doubt, take such steps as the nature of the case required. Mr.STURGES said he was ready to give his cordial vote for the number of seamen proposed to be employed, on the mere ground, that Ministers were the persons most competent to judge what was the number which the exigencies of the public service required. He could not, however, help observing, that so extraordinary a mode of voting the supplies for the public service, as that which Ministers had offered to the House, did not occur in the whole history of Parliamentary proceedings. It was, he was convinced, the first instance where a peace establishment, to so large an amount, had been proposed to be voted without the slightest communication to the House on the subject. The language held on this occasion by the Right Hon. Gentleman at the head of his Majesty's Councils, had filled him with inexpressible astonishment. What he begged leave to ask was, the situation of the country, and what was the language which the speech held out to the House and the country? The country was in a state of profound tranquillity, and the speech offered nothing but a prospect of the continuance of external peace. Nothing of a dread of rupture was hinted at; nothing was said of the necessity of supporting a large establishment. He was sure that this was the impression which the speech was calculated to create; and it was fo understood by an Hon. Gentleman, not now present (Mr. Fox), who, when he gave his approbation to the address, begged that it might not be supposed, that, in voting for the address, he pledged himself to vote for the maintenance of a large establishment. He did not make these observations, because he thought that the proposition was liable to censure, but because the impression on his mind was, that such was the sense in which the business was understood, when the address to his Majesty was under discussion. He was not one of those who entertained the idea that our principal security consisted in the greatness of France. This idea, he was sorry to perceive, on a former occasion, had been apparently acquiesced in; and there were not wanting persons, both in the House and the country, who thought that French power contained within itself the seeds of decay. If French power had only risen from accidental circum ances, if it had |