which the King's Ministers had adopted, viz. that they would defend our own empire against all encroachments, and look with vigilance to the state of the continent. They had not attempted to define minutely what that line of conduct would be, because it must always be governed by circumstances. If this record wanted any confirmation, he might refer to the King's speech at the opening of the present sessions of Parliament. This speech, he contended, was in every particular conformable to the address to which he had before alluded; it maintained the same principles, and held the same language. As far, therefore, as language went, the system of the King's government had been explicitly avowed. The Right Hon. Gentleman might assert, that Ministers had not acted upon that system, that they had gone beyond, or had fallen short of it. Such a charge was perfectly open to the Right Hon. Gentleman to make, if he could substantiate it; but he had no right to say that Ministers had not laid down any system, and that they had not avowed it. He should have thought, that upon the general principle of continental alliances it was almost unnecessary for him to make any profession. Whenever he spoke upon this subject, he uniformly maintained one opinion. It was a subject which had very early occupied his attention, and upon which he had given his opinion the first time he had the honour of speaking in that House. He recollected that upon that occasion a Right Hon. Friend of his had made a most able and ingenious speech, which contained the best case he had ever heard against the balance of power. But certainly that principle, like all others, might be pushed to an extreme. It appeared to him that it was one of those questions upon which there was great danger of our over-refining; and he thought it was the duty of Government to guard against the extremes which a degree of over-refinement might sometimes occasion. That the interests of this country were not materially connected with those of the continent, or that we could exclude ourselve wholly, or even in a great degree, from all continental connexions, it would, in his opinion, be absurd to contend. Our commerce, our wealth, our importance in the eyes of Europe, were such, that we could not pretend to say that we would entirely insulate ourselves. He knew it had been said upon this subject, that all continental connexions were in their nature dissoluble. This proposition was undoubtedly true; but was the consequence that was to be inferred from it, viz. that no human work was in its nature perfect, and that continental alliances, because they were liable to dissolution, ought never to be entered into? That those alliances often contained in themselves the seeds of dissolution, was true; but the question was, whether, with all their defects, we were better with or without them? This was the only practical way of considering the subject. VOL. II. If he looked into the examples contained in history upon this point, he was compelled to draw a very different inference from that which had been drawn by an Hon. Friend of his (Mr. Canning) on a former occasion. It had been asserted, that we had often bee involved in wars by continental alliances; but it remained to be proved, that any of the wars in which we had been engaged had arisen from these alliances. The fact was directly the reverse. In no war which we had undertaken since the Revolution, had we engaged in it in consequence of continental alliances, It might perhaps be said, that we entered into the late war in consequence of an engagement with Holland respecting the opening of the Scheldt; but it must be admitted, that that only formed a part of the general question. He therefore thought it important, that we should not suffer ourselves to be carried away by any general cry that might be raised upon the subject, without ascertaining the facts. But there was another point to consider, and that was a material one. He wished the House to recollect in what wars we had continental connexions, and in what wars we had not, and to compare the result. The only war in which we had been engaged since the Revolution, in which we had not had any continental alliances was the American war, and that was the only war in which we were not successful. It was true, that in other wars we had sometimes failed, as far as they related to coctinental objects; but as far as British interests were concerned, we had been constantly successful, except only in the case of the American war. With this view of the subject, he was not disposed to renounce the opinion he had formerly entertained upon it; at the same time he was ready to admit, that there ought to be great prudence used in entering into continental alliances, not only with respect to the connexions themselves, but to the engagements we entered into. We ought not to enter into engagements so loose and so generally worded, as might, in the application of them, defeat their own object; and he also thought, that care ought to be taken not to pledge the country too deeply, because circumstances were frequently liable to change. He had no difficulty in say ing, that he should not think he should do his duty, if, maintaining the general principle, he should not endeavour to give it effect whenever he was able, according to circumstances, circumscribed by prudence and wisdom. Insinuations had been thrown out, that this country had met with nothing but treachery and breach of faith from our allies, and that assertion had been particularly exemplified in the case of Austria. If we were to look at that country throughout the whole course of the war, there were periods when that power not only displayed the most inflexible fidelity to her engagements, but the most heroic resolution. She did not conclude the treaties of Leoben or Luneville, till the very last extre4 e mity, and when she was prevented by the adopt a line of conduct contrary to that of pressure and urgency of circumstances from which they were known to approve. But this sending a minister for the purpose of obtaining principle had been pushed a little farther, and our consent, which consent, if she had asked, to an extent to which he could not assent. If we could not for a moment have refused. Be- a Gentleman said he disapproved of the me fore the conclusion of the last treaty, she sures of Administration, and therefore he shewed a degree of fidelity to her engage- would, if possible, remove the Ministers, he ments with us that never was surpassed; for could understand him; it was fair, constitu after the battle of Marengo, she was strongly and tional language. The right of that House to repeatedly urged by France to conclude a sepa- address his Majesty to remove his Ministers, rate treaty, and terms were offered much more on proper grounds, was incontestable; but to favourable than she afterward obtained. Not suppose that the House had a right to remove withstanding every effort on the part of France, Ministers without assigning any public ground Austria would not make peace till she was whatever, was inconsistent with every princompelled by the fatal battle of Hohenlinden. | ciple of the constitution. It would take from All he had, therefore, to beg of Gentlemen the Crown the right of choosing its own se was, that when they spoke upon these subjects, vants, and make the office of Minister the they would do it after some consideration, and subject of personal canvass. It is true, that not endeavour to make impressions in which in 1784 there was an address to remove Minis they knew they were not warranted by the facts. ters, without any charge against their pubic He confessed that he felt such regard for anti- conduct; but even in that case there was a quity, that, when he found that the best and allegation of their having come improperly into wisest men for centuries had agreed in opinion office, though that was found by no means to with respect to the policy of such alliances, be the public opinion. He wished merely to he should require very strong reasons, and a be tried by his public conduct; and he could great deal of experience, before he would ven- answer for himself, and he believed for his colture to say they were mistaken. An Hon. leagues in office, that if Parliament disapproved Gentleman (Mr. Fox) seemed to think that no of their measures, they would not wish to com change which had taken place in the situation tinue one moment longer in office. If their mea of Europe required an increase in our esta sures were not found to be consistent with the blishment. It could not be denied that the great honour and interests of the country, they extent of coast which France had now ob- would not attempt to set up prerogative against tained, the number of harbours which she had privilege, in any case where the exercise of the acquired, must make a great difference in our latter was really constitutional. If the King relative situation. It had been said, that the had the nomination of his Ministers, ParisHouse of Bourbon were actuated by the same ment ought to control them, to watch ore motives of ambition with the revolutionary them, and to examine their measures; and governments of France, and were as much upon this principle the safety of the constite disposed to violate treaties as any government tion depended. He hoped that Parliamen whatever. This was true to a certain extent, would always endeavour to preserve to the and he was as ready as any man to condenin Crown its proper place in the constitution, this part of the policy of the House of Bour- while they maintained their own privileges; bon. But it was necessary to consider not and to the opinion of Parliament his Majesty's only their will, but their power to do mischief. Ministers would always submit themselves The present government of France had the whenever it was expressed. power of doing things which the House of Bourbon, whatever its disposition might be, had not the means to accomplish. A great deal had been said, at different times, about persons looking only at measures and not at men; he confessed he was very much inclined to consider this as mere cant and hypocrisy, or at least as proceeding from ignorance. In one sense, and to a certain degree, they must go together. If any Gentleman brought a charge against Ministers, it was absurd to suppose that a man could condemn measures, and not wish to remove the men by whom they were adopted. If that House were to agree in a resolution to censure the conduct of the King's Ministers, it ought to be followed up with a motion for the removal of those Ministers. Nothing, in his opinion, could be more absurd than to suppose, that the system of Ministers could be disapproved of, and yet that they ought to be kept in office, in hopes that they would Sir FRANCIS BURDETT.-" Sir, a more inportant question than the present never came before Parliament. It is, whether you will agree to a peace establishment unprecedented in force, but alleged to be rendered necessary by unprecedented circumstances. An Hoi Gentleman (Mr. T. Grenville) has observed. that the forms of the House have been neg lected by not giving any communication from the Throne upon the subject in question. I think the objection is founded in good sense, and I agree with him. He also says, that we should cherish continental connexions; and the answer given to him is not, that we should have no continental connexions, but that we should not be eager to make ourselves principals, which amounts to nearly the same thing. Now my objection to these connexions for maintaining the balance of power, is the opportu nity which they afford Ministers to involve the country in wars without adequate cause or ne- dignation against the late Ministers which the Hon. Baronet apprehended; the people of England felt that they had a constitution, for the preservation of which they had not forgotten to whom they were so much indebted; nor did he believe they needed much persuasion to be convinced, that the measure now proposed was a measure for their general welfare; upon a conviction of which, he did not believe there would appear in them any deficiency of spirit, the more especially, when the excellent speech of the Secretary at War yesterday in that House came to be circulated over the country, which assuredly it would. The people of England were a commercial people, and therefore naturally loved peace; but they were likewise a warlike people, and knew how to act in war, if war became necessary. They were always true to others, and could be true to themselves. He did not mean to vote this force for the purposes of aggression, but in our own defence: it was not for invasion only that we were to be in readiness, but we must be ready to resist every infraction of the treaty of Amiens, or any danger to our own safety. With regard to what had been said on the subject of measures and men, he could not conceive how, in a political question, they could be separated. Had any Minister come to the House without any circumstances to justify it, and called for such a force as this, he should not have voted for it; but there was enoug in the conduct of the Chief Consul of France to answer every thing on that head. He was pleased, however, to see in the conduct of Ministers, and in their language, every thing that led to the continuance of peace. He justified the peace of Amiens, on the ground, that, when it was concluded, things were in such a condition that nothing could be gained by the war; and as to Great Britain, not the least derogation of her dignity appeared on that event-on the contrary, it was highly to her honour. It was true, indeed, that at that period the situation of Europe was much to be lamented, but that arose from no fault in Great Britain. With re Mr. H. BROWNE said, that when the Hon. Baronet took notice of the gloomy state of this country, and censured the late Administration as the cause of it, it did not occur to him to tell the House in what other country there was more general comfort for mankind. Did he think it was in Spain? Did he think it was in Italy? Did he think it was in the Ne-gard to the capacity of his Majesty's Ministers, therlands? Did he think it was in Holland? Did he think it was in Switzerland? Did he think it was any where in Europe? Or did he know one spot on the face of the globe in which there was more general comfort to mankind than there was in England at this hour? Or would he point out to the House the spot which he would wish Great Britain to resemble? and then, when that question was determined, perhaps the other, on the true character of the late Administration, would not be difficult: for in discussing that matter, the question would not be, what we might have now of difficulty remaining, but what evils and horrors had we avoided, and for the avoiding which we were indebted very much indeed to the late Administration? The people of England, he believed, felt none of the in he thought that their having been able to conduct the business of Copenhagen, and every thing which related to the complicated concerns embraced by the treaty of Amiens, their being able to satisfy the auhole body of the House of Commons, with the exception of a few individuals, by their speeches in that House; he owned these things put together appeared to him to give evidence of very great capacity. He concurred in this vote, not for the purpose of meeting war, but to preserve the honour of this country, and to maintain peace. Dr. LAURENCE, in a speech of considerable length, condemned the system upon which Ministers acted; particularly in reducing the navy so much since the peace, and proposing to keep up a large standing army, though the country was more immediately connected. He called the attention of the House to the treatment which Capt. D'Auvergne had experienced in Paris, in consequence of orders issued by the French government. What he meant to state he did not pretend to state on authority. He was compelled to speak on the grounds of public notoriety, when he mentioned that the respectable officer, even under the protect of a British commission and a regular pas port, had been arrested, thrown into a da geon, and subjected to interrogatories of the most insulting kind. Such was the accont given by public report, and he would 24, whether any thing could be reckoned an attack on our national honour, if such an o rage did not come under this description There was another topic on which the Hu and Learned Gentleman descanted at som length. He took occasion to allude to a prese cution now instituted against a foreigner Mr. Peltier, author of L'Ambigu) for a supposed libel on the French government. He did t mean to give any opinion against the propriety of such a prosecution, but was very pointed a articles which had appeared in the French official journal, containing unbecoming a sions, and very indecent reflections on the che former force was our natural defence, and the | he came to the more particular consideration latter was ever an object of constitutional of circumstances in which the honour of the jealousy. He animadverted on the observations of the Noble Secretary of State, in this debate, on the subject of continental alliances and the balance of power, and compared them with his assertion on a former occasion (the Russian armament), that the capture of Oczakow, a fortress on the Black Sea, by the Russians, would endanger the safety of Europe. He reprobated the idea of abandoning that policy, with respect to the continent, upon which this country had acted for the last century and a half. He also reproved the practice of perpetually referring to the conduct of Ministers during the last war: of that practice the Hon. Baronet (Sir F. Burdett) and his friends appeared too fond. The House should not be so goaded. If Gentlemen wished to investigate that conduct fully, let it be brought forward in a grave and proper form, and solemnly discussed. Let it be contested, fact to fact, and point to point. Let the question be at once set at rest; for he was persuaded that | while these allusions continued, the regular progress of debate would be interrupted, and there would be nothing but divisions and distractions in the House. The Hon. and Learned Member expressed an anxious desire to have an explanation of what ideas were meant to be attached to national insults and hostile ag-racter of our Sovereign. gression. Ministers did not explain in what sense these terms were to be understood, and it therefore became necessary to attend a little to facts, so far as they might be useful in determining whether, on the part of France, there had been, since the conclusion of the treaty of peace, any acts with regard to foreign powers which this country would be entitled to make a ground of remonstrance. On this part of his argument he accordingly examined in detail the system of German indemnities, which he reprobated as subversive of the constitution of the Germanic Empire, and destructive of our influence on the continent. He touched, but more slightly, on the conduct of the French government to Switzerland, and the total subjugation of Italy to its will. On the subject of Holland he descanted with great energy, and pointed out the alarming consequences which French influence in that country presented in the event of a renewal of the war. On the importance of our connexion with Holland he believed that there was no difference of sentiment, and took particular notice of the opinion which an, Hon. Gentleman (Mr. Fox) had expressed on that subject. He described with great force the claims which the House of Orange had to our protection from ancient connexion, cemented by common friendship; and the more he considered the fate of this illustrious family, the more was he convinced of the inefficacy of the article in the definitive treaty, which professed to guaranty them a full and complete indemnity. After dwelling at length on these topics, The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER ob served, that there seemed to be a systemate determination, on the part of some Gentlene to impress an opinion that his Majesty's M nisters had compromised the character and tarnished the honour of the country. he deemed it unnecessary at all to follow the Hon. and Learned Gentleman, the far gre er part of whose speech referred to tepes which had no manner of connexion wit the topics under discussion. The Learned Gentleman had stated, in effect, that by the article in the treaty of Amiens respecting the indemnification of the House of Orange, the honour of the country had been committe and that that pledge still continued un deemed. It was well known that on this point he had expressed himself far from being? fectly satisfied at what had been allotted as an indemnity to the House of Orange. Howeni, with respect to that subject, he hoped bet the recess he should have the honour of maling a communication from his Majesty specting the House of Orange, and with would manifest the feelings entertained by Majesty for that illustrious House; and whic proposition was grounded on reciprocal com munications made between his Majesty's Mi nisters and persons in the confidence of the House of Orange: on this occasion the House would be afforded the opportunity of manifest ing their sense of the transactions with respect to that House in a proper and correspondent manner. He could not then be more particu ar upon this subject, but he would rejoice when the day should arrive in which he should have the opportunity of making the communication. Another point adverted to by the Learned Gentleman was, certain proceedings instituted in this country with respect to libellous publications against the government of France. On this head he would only say, that the French government was entitled to that protection in this country which the government of every other country experienced: it was equally entitled to the same degree of protection, and neither more nor less. He deeply regretted that it was not then in the power of Government to produce those official documents which would give the best and most decisive answers to the imputations thrown out against Ministers, for not holding that sort of language, nor pursuing that line of conduct which the honour of their Sovereign and the character and honour of the country demanded. With respect to what fell from the Learned Gentleman in regard to the affair of Capt. D'Auvergne, he could assure the House the instant it was made known to the British Minister his release was demanded, and that demand was immediately complied with. How then could Ministers be charged with compromising the honour of the country? Not only on that occasion, but in any other instance, let any Hon. Gentleman lay his finger upon any circumstance that has occurred, or any sentiment uttered, that could justify such an imputation. They had spoken with regret of the increased power of France, but had fairly contended, that such a consideration would not warrant them in acts of hostility. of war, he declared without difficulty, that war was an alternative ever to be preferred to insult and infamy. After a few observations on the influence which the state of the finances of the country ought to have in deterring us from hastily plunging again into war, the Hon. Gentleman vindicated the system he recommended with regard to continental connexions. Those who accused him of inconsistency on this point he could not allow to have just and comprehensive ideas of policy. Continental connexions were not to be esti mated according to a general system. They were to be judged of by a consideration of the circumstances in which the country was placed. He was a friend to continental connexions when they could be advantageous; and at the commencement of the late war he had resisted our entering into them, because the manner in which they were formed was such as to promote nothing but disappointment and disaster. His opinion now was, that the war had left the continent in that state, that, if we had an opportunity of forming an alliance with Austria, and even Russia, he should not think such an alliance justified by policy. Gentlemen might ask, were we never again to form any continental alli ances and connexions? To this his answer was easy, and it was, that this must depend on circumstances which might hereafter appear in the situation of Europe. He certainly would not say that such alliances might not be hereafter renewed with advantage, but this was not the moment for such a renewal. Adverting merely to the interests of Austria, he could not conceive it to be either fair or friendly in this country to seek the renewal of any alliance with that power, when such an alliance might Mr. Fox alluded to the representation given only have the effect of exposing her to attacks from by the Hon. and Learned Member, of the France, which she was unable to resist. No man treatment which had been experienced by a was more anxious than himself to keep up a British officer from the French government. high spirit in the country, but the time for exAdmitting this representation to be correct, erting that spirit was to be regulated by cirand allowing that a remonstrance had been cumstances. What might be very wise and made on the subject by Ministers, without political under certain circumstances, might obtaining satisfaction, he had not the smallest under circumstances of a different nature be hesitation in saying, agreeably to the ideas of ruinous to our best interests; and he thought, national honour which he had often had occa- that to embark in foreign connexions at this sion to express, that he should reckon this antime, would be to expose ourselves to such conseinsult of such magnitude as to form a very legi-quences. If the House and the country had actimate ground of renewing hostilities. If Capt. quiesced in the peace, and the unsatisfactory D'Auvergne had actually been arrested without state of the continent on which the peace was the smallest pretext, thrown into a dungeon, concluded, the same acquiescence was deand subjected to insulting interrogatories, as had manded on every principle of policy and com. been described; or if the French government mon sense. The Hon. and Learned Gentlerefused to give satisfaction to the honour of man had been offended at charges produced the country, wounded in the person of a Bri- against the late Administration, and had called tish officer; this would, in his opinion, be a ten an Hon. Baronet (Sir Francis Burdett), if such thousand times more justifiable ground of war charges were to be persisted in, to come forthan any thing drawn from the conduct of ward and produce the proof on a regular inFrance in the system of German indemnities, inquiry. He was really astonished to hear Genthe invasion of Switzerland, or any other act of usurpation on the continent. Strongly disposed as he was for the preservation of peace, and anxious as he was to prevent, by every exertion of his in that House, the renewal tlemen making use of such language. Had he and those with whom he had the honour of acting, been slack in demanding inquiry into the conduct of the late Ministers? Had they not from year to year proposed inquiry, and |