Nay, has not the English Government in India merce, is it right that its exertions should be lirecently stained itself with a most odious act of mited by the mediocrity of the capitals which plunder and injustice in the person of the nabob will at first he employed in it, and checked in its of the Carnatic? Let us judge of this fact by the progress by an uncertainty of success which it is well founded reproaches excited against the agents highly necessary to find a period to?-If our anof the company in their own country. "It is in nual expeditions to the two sides of the Peninsula, vain for us" says the Morning Chronicle of June or the Ganges, differ in no respect from those of Jast (1802), "to tax the ambition of our neigh the Danes and the Swedes, will not the nations of bours, when we have in so short a spaco gained Hindostan consider us of the same importance in an empire containing fifty millions of people. the scale of nations? Can they place any degree One acquisition has been followed by another, of confidence in us when they behold so vast a and the resentment of one usurpation has fur- difference between our power and the power of nished the pretence for a new attack. The circle England! And can the agents of government is widening, and while the system of conquest themselves, expect to be treated with respect, if is continued, the evil must grow worse and worse. they are unaccompanied by the splendor which The system is unjust and detestable. The diffe-imposes respect and secures confidence? In short, rence of manners, the distance of the object, our if the situation of the state is such, that it can ignorance of the men weaken our sympathy afford but a barren protection to the trade of India, wwith their wrongs! The deposition of a petty will it be too much to assert, that this commerce, German sovereign, the usurpation of a state in deprived of all the advantages of which it is caItaly by France rouses all our indignation; but we pable, becomes injurious to the state, and ought think nothing of the degradation of independant to be proscribed with severity? since it no longer princes, and the annexation of whole kingdoms answers any of the ends which render a prosecuin the East. We declaim against the insolence of tion of it beneficial to France. But if it be true. a French Consul, but we overlook the wanton that the commerce of India is indispensably nefreaks of power displayed by the pro-consuls of cessary to the ulterior development of the power a set of merchants of England. There is no end of France; if the dangers of this commerce, supto their acts of violence. While a single inde- posing it free, are positive, we must necessarily pendant power remains in India, each year will conclude that it ought to be concentrated in the produce scenes like those which lately passed in hands of a company; that the moment of peace Oude and the Carnatic. It is high time that jus- is favorable for seizing upon all our rights; and, tice, as well as policy should interpose; for if lastly, that period is arrived for regaining all that these things continue, perpetual troubles must en- we have lost.-If it be necessary to adduce a sue, and ill-gotten dominion must be maintained proof of this,, I beg leave to remind my readers by eternal war. What will be the case when of the language of Mr. Dudas, in the house of European aid is added to the discontents of Asia?" commons, on the 12th of May last." It is true Such are the complaints excited by a sentiment that the treaty of Amiens restores to the French a of justice, even in England; and are not all the few factories, but it will always depend on us to Countries in the world subject, henceforward, to limit her trade, or whether she shall carry on any the common laws of a similar policy? And all trade at all. We are completely masters of that the sovereigns of Europe casting so jealous an eye country, and have a right to regulate all its contowards the aggrandizement of their rivals, will cerns. If the French were to advance unwarthey limit their narrow views to the territories rantable pretensions would we not resist them? that surround them, and suffer a new and immense If they were to fortify their factories, would not empire founded at a distance, to escape their vi- we be justified in throwing down these fortifica gilance, their jealousy, or even their justice tions? Being under no engagements whatever, Can the English themselves expect that all the have we not the power to establish in our own states of Europe, and, above all, that France, dominions what regulations we think proper? will behold the completion of this iniquitous sys- Before the French can buy a bale of goods, they must tem of spoilation, without making one effort to come to us as supplicants, and first obtain our permisoppose them? Most assuredly they will not. At sion. They can enjoy no advantage, for which they the peace of Amiers, the antient treaties were not are not indebted to our favor and indulgence."renewed, consequently, the usurpations obtained And to this state of abject subjection are we in India, without even striking a blow, have not counselled to submit, by not establishing a combeen acknowledged or confirmed, and our go- pany! What! is it at the moment when the -vernment have not abandoned their acquired pos- English company is in possession of one part of -sessions. The funds of a company would turn India and makes the other tremble, is it at this these possessions to the advantage of France; whilst moment that we are councelled to carry on in that -a free trade will condemn us to vegetate on the country, a precarious and secret commerce at the banks of the Ganges, without honour and with good pleasure of the English-Is it with roa.. out security. The people of the East, we well son that we invoke that liberty which commerce know, are led away more than any other people, ought to enjoy, for the purpose of favoring a few by exterior magnificence, and the consideration French merchants at the expence of those extenwe shall hereafter enjoy among them, will be in sive measures which government must take in proportion to the opinion we give them of our order to secure general prosperity, and to attain own importance. Shall we again repair to the that pre-eminence which has been announced to coasts of Asia, without carrying with us those us? To revive our connections in the East, a marks of greatness which ought to accompany us commercial plan is not alone sufficient; a political thither? Shall our commerce be confined to a few one must also be united to it, of which all the individual and remote expeditions, which only parts closely combined to cach other, may secure peway our weakness? Ip restoring our com.the motion and action of both. This is what the

interest of the state demands, what a free trade cannot offer, but what the assistance of a company might tend to create.

the views of the government, and can never be offensive to it. In short, a uniform state of barmony subsisting between the delegates of the goGreat Britain by her navy and her possessions in vernment, and its own agents, will necessarily India, undoubtedly possesses advantages which augment their respective strength.—Undoubtedly, we cannot counterbalance. But is this a reason our compauy will not have the means of becom which ought to deter us from having recourse to ing equally powerful as the English company, the only possible means of diminishing the infe- and it is to be hoped it would have the wisdom riority of our position? Is it not, on the con- not to attempt it. Had it even the ambition to trary, a sufficient motive for the establishment of become so, its interest would be sufficient to deter a company which alone can, in the course of it from it. More cautious in its proceedings, and time, alleviate us from the burden of dependence? better informed than the isolated privateer, it will Besides this, have we not reason to suppose be more able to protect its rights, and, in case of that the respective commercial interests of the necessity, more powerful in supporting them: it two nations will give rise to frequent explana- will be furnished with far greater resources to tions, to warm discussions, and probably, at a resist the haughty pretensions of the enemy; and future period, to a fresh rupture? For however whilst a commerce carried on by individuals, lost solemn treaties may be, they not only are not as it were, in the centre of the Indian ocean, and eternal, but they have no other guarantee for their on inhospitable coasts, where it is repulsed by the stability, than the reciprocal interest which in- iron hand of monopoly, could not dare to venture duced the parties to ratify them, or that of strength but with the most timid circumspection; a comwhich alone can prevent the infringement of pany more powerful in its progress, and better them. We ought, also to remember, that the supplied with the means of resistance, would be English company in India will multiply the shackles, able to defend itself against any opposition; and the oppositions, and very probably the vexations it is even probable that beneficial connections which our commerce will incessantly have to ex- might add to its individual resources, and ultiperience in that quarter, unless our traders, in mately tend to render the English company either the miserable hope of eventual profits, "present more moderate, or more just in its pretensions.themselves," to use the expression of Mr. Dundas, | In short, the establishment of a French East India as supplicants."-Our merchants as well as our company alone presents us with the prospect of captains will be so much the more cautious, or one day restoring our annihilated commerce, and rather the more timid, since, at the least sign of our lost consideration, whilst to declare free the resistance, they would be overpowered by their commerce of India would be to condemn us in enemy for the least pre ext, the slightest error, Asia to perpetual slavery; to sanction the monothe most trivial encroachment on what the English poly of the English; to render us indefinitely tricompany is pleased to call their rights, (but which butary to them; to interdict us from every means are not so in our estimation) all in short, will of regaining our rights by our influence; to sacrexcite her clamours, and give rise to measures fice the interest of the state to the mercantile which are by no means new to her. And will vanity or the private interests of a few merchants; not this motive for perpetual alarm, damp the in short, to endanger our very existence in India, ardor of our privateers? Will they venture upon and probably to furnish Europe with a reason to expeditions so hazardous without a guarantee, and imagine that there exists between our government on the bare faith of the good pleasure of the and the cabinet of Saint James, secret articles English? Certainly not; prudence dictates to our which impose upon us the obligation of establishe commerce very different principles-Thus, the ing no company in India: a humiliating conditon, carrying on a free trade would be extremely pre- to which we have assuredly not subscribed in the carious, and its resistance become useless against most glorious treaty that France ever signed with the the superior pretentions of the English; it can proud Britons.-Such are the motives on which neither be beneficial to itself nor to the state; are founded the necessity of confiding the conswhile, on the other hand, the utility of a company merce of India to one company, under the imme is not even a matter of doubt. The advantages diate protection of the government. Even Raynal which the government hopes to derive from it himself, the irreconcileable enemy of privileges, will be accomplished by it in all the public or after the most virulent declamation against the private acts in which it will be able to assist her, abuses and the dangers with which they are a without the necessity of any thing but her protec- tended, is, nevertheless, obliged to acknowledge. tion in case of any daring attack upon it.But that the commerce of India can never be successeven in this point of view, will not the assistance fully carried on, but by a regular, privileged conof the government be the same, will it not have pany.-To conclude, the hope of one day beholdthe same duties to fulfil in protecting our com- ing our re-exportation exceed our internal conmerce, whether a company does or does not ex-sumption adds to the necessity of concentrating ist-Besides, it is certain that our establishments in India, in their present state, cannot take any consistent attitude, but by the earnest desire of the government to re-model them, and by the aid of a powerful company. Such a company, strong in all the pecuniary means which she will I have expressed myself on this subject with have to appropriate to the aggrandizement of her the frankness which the importance of the subcommerce, will be able to struggle with fewerject demanded: it is probably that my opinees disadvantages against the monopolizing projects of the English company; and strong in the unity of views and of interests, it will always second

our strength, if we aspire to render the commerce of India as profitable as it has hitherto been inju rious to us; and this, the only object of all our connections with India, is utterly impossible by a free trade.

may be in opposition to the private views of a few merchants; but I am inclined to believe that they accord with the true principles of commerce.

meats of Antiphlogistic Chemistry, by C. Ger
banner. 8vo. Berlin

Systematischer Grundrifs der Experimental Che-
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Chemistry, by F. S. Hermstedt. Vol. 2. 8vo.
Berlin.

Introduzione alla Chimica: Introduction to Che-
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Annalen der Physik: Annals of Physick, by Gil-
bert. No. 11. 8vo. Halle.
Chemische Annalen, &c.: Annals of Chemistry,
by M. de Crell. No. 11. 8vo. Helmstadt.
Allgemines Journal der Chemie: General Journal
of Chemistry, published by Doctor Scherer.
Vol. 7, or Nos. 39 to 45. 8vo. Berlin.

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Nouvelle Bibliothèque de Société Portative a
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The Wife of a Million, a comedy, as performed at the Theatre-Royal, Norwich, by F. Latham.` Annuaire de l'Herboriste, par un médecin bota-Histoire du Théâtre Français, depuis le commenceniste. 8vo. Paris.