Printed by Cox and Baylis, No. 75, Great Queen Street, Lincoln's Inn Fields.

Published by R. Bagshaw, Bow Street, Covent Garden, where all the former numbers may be had.

London, Saturday, 28th August, 1802.

CONTENTS.-Trabet. Fr. and P. Orange, 225. Mr. Windham, 226. Troubles in Italy, 233. Switz. 235. Barbary
St. 236.
nan Em. 238. Berne, 240. Ext. Let. East-Ind. 245. War bet. Russ, and Pers. 246. Bar. St. 248.
Bl. Sea, 249. Divi.of Germany, 249. Newspaper War with Buonap. 252. Gen. Lasnes, 253. Jam. Asse. 253.

"honour of their abuse. We differ widely "in some of our political opinions from "Mr. Windham, but that difference of opinion can never make us cease to ad"mire the manliness of his character, the

"fer from Mr Windham, is in his conduct "respecting the peace, and here we think "his opinions were carried to an extreme. "We think with him, and with almost every man in the country, that the war was just and necessary; but if, without at"taining the best and most desirable objects which were looked for, there arose a crisis in which, under all considerations, "the adoption of peace on reasonable terms, "became more advantageous to the country "than the continuance of the war, that mo"ment ought to have been, and was, we "think, wisely seized upon by his Majesty's ministers. We do not accuse bim of baving wished never to be at peace with "France, but at the moment the treaty was "signed, be thought war preferable to peace, "and he thought so in our opinion without having looked into the means we possessed "of carrying on the war; or, at least, without having fully weighed the sacrifices we "must have made for the probable attain"ment of any advantages which the fur"ther prosecution of the war held out

powers of his mind, or the uprightness "and disinterestedness of his conduct. "Faults, as a public man, we think be bas-" but they are faults into which the most bonourable principles betray bim. Like many "of the pupils of Mr. Burke's school, he will "admit no exceptions to his rules, no qualifi"cation of bis opinions. He reasons ably and acutely upon all points which become "the subject of his reflection, but we think " he often reasons and acts like a man who "has deeply considered the theories upon "the point in question, without having cor"rected the errors into which bis theories lead, by an observation of the practice which is applicable to them. His speeches in the House "of Commons are full of ingenuity, they" "charm every person who has attention "and penetration enough to follow him " into all the nice divisions of his argument, but they sometimes want the plain down-right common sense which alone "The opinion to which we have alluded, "convinces plain men-they often rather "is the only point of union between Mr. Wind"exhibit the powers of his understanding, "bam and the party with which he appears than his just conception of things-they "lately to have connected himself.-The party "are thought by some persons to consist "is small in number, and the voice of the "only of subtile refinements, and, perhaps," nation is against them.-If they ever rise more frequently excite admiration, than "into importance, it must be by the force "enforce conviction. "of their abilities alone--collateral aids they have none and amongst its ablest supporters there is a great want of those engaging and conciliatory manners which "Mr. Windham possesses in so eminent a degree.

"

"to us.

"Mr. Burke and his disciples appear to us "to err, chiefly by pushing their opinions to "extremes-they seem to forget that there "are many propositions true to a certain "point, but which, beyond a fixed limit," "become fallacious and absurd. It is the

"

"In private life, Mr. Windham, as he is province of common sense and judgment sans peur, so is he sans reproche. He is "to discover to what degree such proposi-" a gentleman and a scholar. His acquain❝tions are just. There is no source of er- "tance is sought by every man who admires ror more common, even among enlight-" the manly spirit and character of an En"ened minds, than that of supposing that "glishman, softened, but not weakened, "the reasonings applicable to the conduct "by urbanity and politeness. His society "of human life are as certain and invariable "is courted by all those who have experias the rules of arithmetic, or the princi-"enced its charms, and the warmth of his "ples of mathematics. "heart betrays him even into extravagant pretensions and unreasonable pursuits in the "service of bis friends.

"But let it never be forgotten, that to "this man and to others, who were (by "those who wished to lull us into a delu"sive security), opprobriously termed alar"mists, we owe, at this moment, perhaps our very existence as a nation; but cer"tainly the preservation of our constitution. "He will ever deserve our gratitude, and that of the whole nation, for his exerfions at the period to which we refer. The only material point in which we dif

ISC.

"of the trade of Norwich, we were told " that all the demand was for the coarsest "stuffs; and they appear to have applied the " rule which was meant for their crapes and "mass to the manufacture of their mem"bers of Parliament.”

With regard to Mr. Windham's adopting dangerous theories, uncorrected by an observation of the practice which is applicable to them, as no particular instances of this "fault" is named or even alluded to, we are not called upon for a refutation of the charge; but, we cannot refrain from observing, that, the abolition of the Slave Trade and the reform of Parliament, the two theories which peculiarly appertain to this country, and which have been rendered famous by the terrors and mischiefs they have produced: that these wild and dangerous theories, the former of which has plunged the West-India colonies in confusion and bloodshed, while the latter had, at one time, shaken the government of the mother country to its centre; we cannot refrain from observing, that neither of these theories was either invented or adopted by Mr. Windham. The advantage, the triumph, indeed, which, on this subject, we might derive from minute comparison, we chearfully forego; but, when these safe and discreet politicians publicly impute theoretical errors and political indiscrétions, to Mr. Windham, they compel us to remind them, that the opinions of that gentleman, however they may be "pushed to extremes," have never been given in evidence as a justification of men accused of bigb treason!

Amongst the various modes, which the ingenuity of man has discovered for the exercise of malevolence, none has been found more efficacious, and certainly none is more cowardly, than the one which is here employed—an affected defence of a man's character andacted as to confirm and aggravate the charges which malice or ignorance may bave preferred against it. What attacks have there been on Mr. Windham, what sneering, what abuse, in which the True Briton has not heartily joined? Has it not had recourse to a repetition of all the old fabricated quotations, such as "killing off" "cheese pairings and candle ends"-"perish our "commerce"-" bardly scratched by the war," c. &c.? The fact is, that the "honour "of abuse" has been conferred on Mr. Windham full as frequently by the ministerial, as by the jacobin papers; and he must be a weak mortal indeed, who does not perceive, that the present eulogium on the urbanity, the politeness, the learning, the" frankness, the disinterestedness, and the integrity of that gentleman, is intended merely to give the air of truth and candour to a publication, in which his " FAULTS as a PUBLIC "man" are intended to be impressed on the mind of the reader. The author of this eulogium was well aware, that all the accomplishments and the virtues, which he bas candidly attributed to Mr. Windham, are not sufficient to constitute a statesman, unless, in addition thereto, he possesses a dee share of caution and moderation; in other words, unless his zeal be tempered with reason and with that knowledge which arises from industry and experience. There fore it is, that, while he most heroically denies what nobody ever asserted, and candidly asserts what nobody ever denied, respecting the private character of Mr. Windbam, he artfully corroborates an opinion, which he knows to be false, that this gentleman is misted by dangerous theories, that he pushes bis opinions to extremes, and, in short, that, though he is an accomplished gentleman, an eloquent speaker, and a perfectly honest man, he is "not a safe politician."

This is the position, which he endeavours to establish; this is the impression, which be wishes to leave on the mind of the reader: let us, therefore, see how it will bear the test of examination.

Neither as a disciple of Burke is any specific error attributed to Mr. Windham. Falsehood always endeavours to wrap itself up in general allegations. We are mistaken, however, if Mr. Windham will disclaim any one article of the political creed of his great master, whose advice, had it not been rejected, would have preserved his country from its present disgrace. Let any man read the Memorials, presented to the late ministry by Mr. Burke; let him take a survey of what has happened since that time, and then let him decide between the disciples and the opponents of that truly great statesman. The fact is, that all men of common understanding can now clearly perceive, what Mr. Burke perceived several years ago; and, where is the man who has not, since the peace was concluded, heard it a hundred times regretted, that the advice of Mr. Burke was not adopted? Where is the man, who is not now fully convinced, that, if that advice had been followed, the house of Bourbon would now have been

upon the throne, that France would have been circumscribed within her former limits, and that England would have been in the

enjoyment of a safe and honourable peace*? Under such circumstances, Mr. Windham can never suffer from having his opinions identified with those of Mr. Burke.

of Jamaica; and, though last certainly not least, the annihilation of the liberty of the British press, as far as relates to France, or to any transaction in which France has an interest. Such are some of the consequences, which have already resulted from a peace, for the disapproving of which Mr. Windham is accused of "pushing his opinions to extremes," of being "an unsafe politician!"

But, it is Mr. Windham's conduct respecting the peace, which, in the eyes of this writer, is most exceptionable. His opinions were here " pushed to extremes," because "he thought war preferable to peace," ob-" tained on reasonable terms, and more advan"tageous to the country than a continuance of "the war." This is not sophistry, but direct falsehood. Mr. Windham denied, and still denies, that the terms of the peace were reasonable and more advantageous to the country than a continuance of the war. He asserted, and most clearly proved, that the terms of the peace were unreasonable, disgraceful, and infinitely more injurious to the country than a continuance of the war could possibly be. He did not, at the time peace was made, or at any other time, "think war preferable to peace," taking the question in the abstract; but he certainly thought that war was preferable to such a peace as bad been concluded; and, if he is not willing to abide by this opinion as the test of his political knowledge and penetration, he must be wonderfully deficient in that sort of confidence which every man ought to possess; for, as far as consequences have hitherto arisen from the peace, they have fully verified his predictions. Where is the man, who has read Mr. Windham's speeches on the peace, who remembers what he has read, and who now beholds the degraded situation of this country, and who does not wish that Mr. Windham's opinion had prevailed? The Convention between Russia and France; the expedition to Algiers and Tunis; the navigation of the Black Sea; the complete subjugation of St. Domingo; the colonization of Louisiana; the critical situation

When Mr. Burke published his Letters on a Regicide Peare; nay, before the first letter was published, the work was abused in the True Briton, a paper established by, and totally under the direction of, the Treasury. A gentleman acquainted with HɛRIOT, the conductor of the paper, remonstrated with him upon the subject, and requested him to wait! till the letter made its appearance; to which Heriot replied, that Burke had one foot in the grave, and that he wished to do the world all the mischief he could before he left it. It is not certain, that a sentiment like this was entertained at the Treasury; but, it is very certain that Heriot had no political sentiments of his own. At any rate, it is well known, that the Letters on a Regicide Peace, were severely condemned by the ministerial papers, though they were written to prevent a negotiation, the failure of which Mr. Pitt has since repeatedly declared to be, on our part, a narrow escape from destruction.

What is said respecting the party, with whom Mr, Windham has acted in opposing the peace, is equally disingenuous with the rest of the article. That this party is small in number, though great in abilities, we know; but, we are by no means disposed to allow, that "the voice of the nation is against them." The wisdom and loyalty of the nation is with them: its folly and disloyalty are, indeed, against them, and, we are sorry to be obliged to confess, that their adversaries are, at present, more powerful than their friends. The writer in the True Briton does not, however, appear to perceive the point on which the fate of this party must inevitably turn. A party may, in some instances, perhaps, owe its success to those "engaging and conciliatory man"ners," of which he (adopting the vulgar cry) represents some of the ablest of this party as being deficient; but, the political reputation and consequence of Mr. Windham and of the phalanx with whom he has acted on this occasion, must chiefly depend upon the effects produced by that important measure, which has placed them in opposition to the present ministers. What those effects will ultimately be, it is impossible precisely to foretel; but, if we may judge of the future from what has already come to pass, it will not require many months to convince even the most senseless part of the nation, that caution and cowardice are not the qualities to constitute "a safe politician."

In a country where such infinite pains have been taken to destroy every sentiment of national honour; where the love of miliary glory is almost extinct; where the people look to the Bank instead of the arsenals for the means of protection; in such a coun, try caution will ever be the first, and courage the last, quality that will be generally desired in a statesman. A want of discretion will be regarded as much worse than a want of zeal, ability, or even integrity. Discretion is certainly a most essential quality; but it is real discretion, and not that spurious sort of it.. which is much more worthy of the name of indecision, or pusillanimity. Of indiscretion,