the liberties of Europe. The reproaches against the late ministry, are too just sarcasms on their wretched attempts to oppose the aggrandisement of France.

The main object of this compend of French policy towards England is, that with regard to past events, we never interfered in Europe but for its destruction; that at present we have no right to interfere at all. It states the shameful truth, that we have no allies on the Continent; and as the Elector of Hanover has adhered to the Franco Russian plan of indemnities, it is asserted that we can have no right whatever to inquire in what manner the different powers on the Continent settle their marches, or, as Citizen Hauterive quaintly terms it, their interets limitrophes. The relations of France and England are "the treaty of Amiens-the whole treaty "of Amiens-nothing but the treaty of "Amiens." So says Citizen Hauterive, and so says Buonaparté.

Whether it be true, as here asserted, that the English government" does not complain," of what passes in the countries, the French governments of which it has not recognised, we shall not pretend to determine. That we have a right to complain, we assert and will endeavour to shew. If ministers in the plenitude of their submission at Amiens, chose not to insist upon satisfaction as to the state of continental atfairs, even they, far less the English nation, are not precluded from insisting that the French government in time of peace shall not continue to add province upon province, kingdom upon kingdom, republic upon republic, to the dominions of the republic. We ever thought these arrangements were of more importance, even to us, than a sugar or a spice island; and if the last war had been begun, or conducted on proper principles, might have been continued for such objects-prudence, upon a fair comparison of circumstances, recommending the policy. To have continued the war in the way it was conducted, would have been madness.

But surely the intervention of a treaty, regulating the immediate, separate, local, and personal interests of France and England, cannot be supposed to exclude us from the right which independently, and contrary to all treaties, we possess, of taking precautions for our own safety, against an enemy that unequivocally points at our ruin. Can it be necessary to shew that principles of selreservation command us to interest ourselves on the Continent H

If France, aggrandizing herself at the ex pense of others, is only preparing to attack us with renewed force, are we bound by any separate arrangements to consent to our own destruction by acquiescing in that of our neighbours? There is a right founded in neighbourhood and common defence, which no treaty can take away, and by which all states are entitled to make common cause against common aggression.

"The western nation" (Buonaparte's antichamber cant is become diplomatic cant) is pacified! Pacified as a man stunned by a blow is pacified! How comes it that General Buonaparté conceives himself entitled alone, "personally," as it were, to consult and to act for the interest of the great Western Family? Is England foras-familiated so completely, as to have nothing of common interest or tie of consanguinity? It surely is not because England forms an island (by the way the French, we suppose in compliment to Buonaparté, "personally," now, say nothing in disparagement of islanders) that she is cut off from any communion, of interest with the Italians, the Germans, or the Swiss? Mark the consistency of Citizen Hauterive. Stuporem bominis vel dicam pecudis attendite. Russia has a right to interfere-Great-Britain has not; Russia is generous in her interference; but what interets limitrophes; what boundaries has she to settle with the French Republic? Has Russia more interest in assisting or opposing the views of France, in robbing the Emperor of Germany or preventing his being robbed, though placed at so vast a distance, than England, that is separated from France only by a ditch, as the Moniteur formally stiled the channel? Must Russia have more sympathy with the oppressed, more interest in protecting the weak, and overawing the proud, than we who see our own fate prepared in the ruin of our ancient allies? We have not recognized the Italian Republic, but are the inhabitants of so fine a portion of Italy to be quite indifferent to us, because we do not choose to recognize the extravagancies of the Consul President's desperate ambition? They are part of the Great Family, and what right has Buonaparté to rob them of their portion, their name, their character, their independence? What right has he (in defiance of the treaty of Luneville) to interfere with Helvetia, whose genuine national government he refuses to acknowledge? We do not recognize the King of Tuscany! It would have been infamous to have recognized him. We had relations with the Grand Duke of Tuscany; and

THREE

PCDISC

when the Emperor agreed for his brother to cede Tuscany, it was for a compensation. But how has the indemnity been made good? Has not the Emperor complained of violated compact; and ought we to enter into relations with the puny, illegitimate sovereign of Buonaparte's creation, while he usurps the inheritance of the lawful sovereign with whom we had relations? Must we recognize, as France, every thing which France seizes by fraud or violence? Are we not, by our ancient relations with the King of Sardinia, entitled to ask, by what right France has robbed him of Piedmont? Did Great Britain never interfere in the affairs of the Continent but when she had a direct territorial right? In truth, we fear that our interest in Hanover (which by the way is not necessarily an English interest) has, on some occasions, from a timid policy, led us to wave English rights and English interests. It has created a pernicious dependence, instead of inspiring a liberal interest, and we suspect had no very favourable influence on the terms of the treaty of Amiens. What direct interest bad we in the war of the succession? Did Europe then think our interference degrading? Did the Emperor of Germany feel our aid destructive, when an English army saved his crown in the glorious battle of Blenheim? Although our relations with France may be narrowed by the abrogation of treaties, treaties which give us common interests with continental powers remain, and what is more, common interest, the only solid basis of treaties and of equal authority, with them remain. Guided by these we are still called upon to resist the continental aggressions of France. Destitute of allies now, the wrongs which France daily commits will be the inducements of new alliances, not giving a right, but declaring a resolution to withstand the destructive ambition of a foe, now so undisguised. If circumstances should be favourable, should powerful, determined allies seek our assistance, it would become a question of prudence whether we should join their cause, but the right could never be disputed.

Buonaparté has declared aloud the prinwhich he condescends to hold relations with us. The Treaty of Amiens is the only code. Out of that record we must not travel. We must tamely view all his invasions of independent states-see him mature his schemes of aggrandisement. He has imposed sufficient barriers to our interference in fact, but it is too much to

insist upon so universal an abandonment of our common right in the concerns of the Great Western Nation. How far and where ministers remonstrate against the First Consul's proceedings, we cannot tell ; but we are sure that no honest minister of England will ever so far degrade his country as to acknowledge the now advanced pretensions. Circumstances may lead us to overlook what we cannot prevent-but if we basely look on with indifference on the ruin of independent nations, our own merited ruin cannot be distant.

But it is not the late ministers only that fall under the lash of Citizen Hauterive. The "respectable Mr. Addington," the present "prudent administration," does not escape. The maritime code of this country is again arraigned; our maxims which, right or wrong, are certainly very old, are said to be unheard of, and the battle of Copenhagen, which took place under Mr. Addington's auspices, is called a massacre ! We know not by what rule of judgment that battle is tried and pronounced a massacre. It certainly bore no resemblance to the massacre of the Swiss in 1798. That was, indeed, a massacre. It was unprovoked; it was murder perpetrated for the purposes of robbery -France wanted to seize the treasures of Berne, which were actually employed to pay the expenses of the expedition to Egypt. Buonaparté, indeed, should know the difference be tween a battle and massacre !

It is asserted that France and Russia will maintain the peace of the Continent. We hope, however, that Russia will endeavour to maintain peace, not by yielding every thing to France, but by keeping her within bounds. The policy of the present ministry of that country is not sufficiently developed, but surely this is the true policy of their country. France, and Russia too, it is said, will be able to counteract the efforts of the restless spirits to whom the policy of the newspapers is ascribed, should the influence of their libels produce the removal of our present prudent ministry! Here is a pretty open threat against any attempt to change the ministry. We congratulate the respectable Mr. Addington on his powerful protector! We see very well Buonaparte's ideas of the men who would confine our policy to our own island, and would never interfere with his grand continental schemes -men who would look to the Treaty of Amiens, nothing but the Treaty of Amiens !

PUBLIC PAPERS.

and Bavaria.

The First Consul of the French Republic and His Majesty the Emperor of Russia, having offered their mediation for the arrangement of the affairs of Germany, and having made known to the Imperial Diet, by their declaration of the 18th August, 1802, the indemnities which they thought should be adjudged to each Prince in consequence of the 7th article of the Treaty of Luneville; His Majesty the King of Prussia hastened to conform to the plan presented, and in taking possesion of the states adjudged to him, confined himself scrupulously within the limits assigned in the declaration. His Majesty the Emperor of Germany having on his side announced the intention of causing its different possessions to be occupied, His Majesty the King of Prussia, the First Consul, and the Emperor of Russia, have spontaneously hastened to make known to him, that it was not at all becoming that his troops should pass the limits assigned by the declaration, or that they should occupy any territory but that appointed for the indemnification of the Archduke Ferdinand.

Yet, without regard either to this declaration made collectively at Paris to the Imperial Ambassador by the minister of the three powers, nor to that which has been made at Berlin by the Count de Haugwitz to M. de Stadion, the Austrian troops have taken possession of Passau, and His Imperial Majesty has informed the Diet by his Plenipotentiary, that he would not withdraw his troops, unless the countries occupied by the other Princes were in like manner evacuated, which is an indication that His Imperial Majesty sets no value on the declaration of the mediating powers, and that he regards it as void.

In consequence, His Majesty the King of Prussia, and the First Cousul of the French Republic, engage themselves to reiterate in concert at Ratisbon and Vienna, their efforts, to cause the plan presented to be adopted by the Germanic Body, and to be ratified in its whole extent, but particularly so far as it guarantees to the Elector of Bavaria the preservation of his possessions on the right bank of the Inn, as far as it secures to him the town of Passau.

And if, contrary to their hopes, and their united interposition, His Majesty the Emperor, taking advantage of the possession of Passau, should refuse to evacuate it within the period of sixty days 'appointed for the deliberation of the Imperial Diet, the governments of Prussia and Fiance pledge themselves to combine their efforts with those of Bavaria, to secure to the latter the preservation of her ancient domains on the right of the Inn, as well as the possession of Passau, and the entire indemnity which has been adjudged to her. Done at Paris, 18 Fructidor, year 10, Sept. 5, 1802-(Signed)-Talleyrand.-Marquis de Lucchesini.-Getto.

Note addressed by the Imperial Plenipotentiary to the Deputation, informing them of bis accession to the Conclusums of the 16th.

The Minister Plenipotentiary of his Imperial Majesty discovers, in the two conclusums that have been communicated to him on the put of

the Deputation of the Empire, propositions welk calculated to prepare the speedy and definitive. of Luneville for a particular convention. Always zeal to that speedy arrangement, he has in pursu→ ready to contribute, on his part, with a sincere ance of these propositions, under a restriction, however, conformable, no doubt, to the intentions of the Deputation, respecting the administration of the objects assigned as indemnities to the Counts of the Empire, addressed without delay a letter, a copy of which is annexed, to the Duke of Wir temberg and the Margrave of Baden; as likewise the two notes, copies of which are annexed, to the ministers of the Mediating Powers.

Ratisbon, 18th Oct. 1802. (Signed) Baron de Hugel.

FOREIGN COUNTRIES.

Constantinople, Sept. 18.-The numerous troops disbanded by Paswan Oglou, have occasioned new disturbances by their depredations in Bulgaria. Paswan Oglou has been applied to by the Porte to extirpate them.The Grand Signior has forbidden any speculations in money, under pain of corporal punishment, and has fixed the Dutch ducats of 7) piasters again at six, and the Austrian of 6, at 5, as before the war.-The plague has now ceased throughout the Turkish Empire.-The French chargé d'affairs, Citizen Ruffin, in a particular audience, has notified to the Grand Signior the appointment of Buonaparté to be Consul for life; and has received magnificent presents for himself, his lady, and his interpreter, Franchini.-Lord Elgin has arrived here from the Grecian islands, to whish he lately made a voyage.

Vienna, Oct. 16.-The Emperor has prohibited M. De Cobentzel, Vice-Chancellor, from receiving letters addressed to him by the chiefs of the armed assemblies of Berne. His Imperial Majesty has manifested a desire that tranquillity should be promptly re-established in Switzerland, and shews a full confidence in the part taken by the First Consul, to restore repose to that unfortunate nation, to place it in a way of enjoying its independence, and resuming, at length, its rank, amongst the powers of Europe.-[We doubt this.J

Strasburgh, Oct. 18.-An attempt was made in the night between the 16th and 17th inst. to introduce into the French territory near Argolsheim, more than ico bales of muslin, reputed English.. The officers of the customs were on their guard, and a violent combat ensued, in which a lieutenant of the customs was killed, and two persons employed under him dangerously wounded: the smugglers lost, on their side, a chasseur. The conductors, however, having lost their way, the goods were afterwards seized and the persons who

were with them arrested.

Copenhagen, 08. 19.-The re-establishment of a good understanding between Denmark and the Regency of Tripoli has been purchased, it is said, for a much less price than was formerly paid in similar circumstances. The negotiations, even after the arrival of the Danish squadron before Tripoli, lasted eight days, and were only brought to a happy conclusion by the commandant, Koesod, making serious dispositions to attack the town. The peace has been signed for six years.

Berne, Oct. 20.-Berne has deputed to the Consulta of Paris, M. M. de Muliner, De Watteville, Deianshut, Tchaning, of Ramlinguen, and Col.