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of the Buonapartian code of universal reciprocity in trade. By the treaty imposed upon Spain, the republic acquires the sovereignty, the whole Island of St. Domingo, and also the whole Island of Porto Rico, which is to be given up within the space of three years after the general peace; and by our treaty we give up at the general peace all our settlements on the main land, that is, in Guiana, with the Island of Curaça, to France; and the government of Batavia is to use all its influence to obtain for the republic a settlement on the River Ava. These acquisitions, with what Buonaparté may have extorted, and may still extort from Portugal, might, we think, warrant your minister, however moderate, to keep fast held of what he has, and even to possess himself of what more he can get.*

Continent, will not avail much. Buonaparté knows the state of Europe, and the characters of its governments, better than you do; and he knows the powers of France better than you are willing to allow that he doth.

It is painful to think that your cabinet should believe that the hero of Marengo is disposed for peace. The truth of the matter is, that if Buonaparté appears to you more pacific now than formerly, it is because the crisis for the execution of some grand project is at hand.* The more moderate and definitive the language of the Prime Consul is, the more vigilant you should be. The less you confide in the personal opinions of your public and secret agents and negotiators abroad, the better your affairs will go. It is not the souplesse and intrigues of negotia tors that are to consolidate the prosperity of the British Empire; it is to make a proper use of the powers and positions you now possess. If Buonaparté can, in the present disorganized state of Europe, disarm Great-Britain, no matter by what means, he will then have realized threefourths of the greatest project that ever was conceived by an individual !

If Mr. Addington thinks it unfair to retain the colonies and settlements of the weaker powers, he should consider, that by the restitution of them he gives them up to France. Where are the national existences of Holland and Portugal, and can our independency ever be secured? And what is Spain? Are we not all three the well bound appendages of the military republic of France? Or doth your minister purpose to set certain frontiers to the We observe you say, "that Buonaparté republic, by getting the other powers of" did not dare to invade England after the Europe to guarantee his treaty with Buo-" peace of Campo Formio, considering naparte? Pray where are those powers for "such an expedition impracticable." Perwhom the Consul manifests the smallest mit me to observe, that this remark of attention or respect? The sovereigns of yours only proves that you knew as little continental Europe are grovelling in a fe. of the general's plan then as your ministry verish state of mutual jealousies and mis- seem to know of the Great Consul's protrust of each other; and in the dastard jects now. The evacuation of Toulon, the hope of seeing their neighbours more de-affairs of Quiberon, and the evacuation of graded than themselves; these nerveless Corsica, with the easy capture and undisprinces are successively become the cring- turbed possession of all the sea ports and ing courtiers of the republican chief. The places in Italy, made Buonaparte turn the armies of the Continent are beaten; their proposition of a British minister-" that military honours are tarnished, and their those who commanded on the ocean courage is crushed into a contempt of their" would also command the land" into a And the people-to keep up mauvaise plaisantrie; and made him form the armies which have lost their countries, and plan, first to cut off the fruit-bearing to maintain governments that for the paltry branches of the British Empire, and to stop price of personal safety, have sold province up the passages which nourished its roots, upon province and nation upon nation in- and then to make an easy conquest of the to republican servitude-are ruined and withered stock. When Buonaparté sailed fatigued. Conviction has made them dissatisfied, from Toulon, he left continental Europe at and upon cool reflection they are forced to despise the feet of the Directory; and he saw altheir cowardly rulers. No! no! such gua- most to reality Asia bowing before his rantee as you can procure for us on the sabre. He laughed at the idea of a naval power whose communication with land was to depend upon his individual will. Nor was there, according to his plan, any

masters.

Would to God that this feeling, and the cause for this feeling, were confined to the ministries on

the Continent!

The facts stated in this paragraph should be well attended to.

*The new partition of Germany, for instance.

Great-Britain must stand upon her own bottom, perfectly unconnected with any leaning-stock; and she has a good bottom, which if preserved entire, may long support her against the efforts of the world, were it possible to combine the world against her.

thing ridiculous in his nominating his army. of the East a wing of the army of England; for he considered the power of England as immediately depending upon the British interests in Asia. Nor did the general discover the error in his calculation until he saw that the Mediterranean and the Red Sea formed a circumvallation round The mild and ignorant leaders of the his new depot, and cut off Egypt from French Revolution annihilated the Dutch every communication with the rest of the navy, crippled the navy of Spain, and put world. He was then convinced that who- the foreign possessions of Holland, and ever were masters of the sea might eter- some of those of Spain, into your possesnize their dominion over Egypt; and when sion; and the extravagance of Buonaparté Buonaparté met Sir Sidney Smith at St. has put you in possession of Malta, Egypt, Jean d'Acre, or rather when he left him and we hope by this time, of the Brazils. there, and heard of the Russian armaments Thus, with the French settlements which at St. Sebastapol, &c. he first saw that his you also possess, Great-Britain is rendered, plan was too large for his means; and then what to be any thing she must ever be, the instead of vainly grasping at the wide and sole and unrivalled sovereign of the sea. But, growing branches of the British Empire, consider the French Revolution is no ordithis champion of military fortune determin-nary assurance. If you give up or lose your ed, and swore by his enchanted shield to strike a mortal blow at its root.

present hold, you may never be able to find it again; especially, as by carrying an ostentatious formality to perhaps too great a

ven military posts and strong holds into the hands of their most powerful enemies, They have given the sovereignty of the Baltic and of the Sound to Russia, and have driven the governments of Denmark and Sweden into the cabinet of Petersburgh. But as things have turned out, it only remains for the British government to stand firm in its own strength, and to make no concessions either to Buonaparte or to Alexander.

When the execution of this threat of Buonaparte's may be attempted, will en-height, the British ministry have also dritirely depend upon the measures of the British government. The Prime Consul is on his part indefatigable in his preparations for this grand event; nor will the peace signed and ratified with Mr. Addington in anywise abate his ardour, nor alter his unalterable decree. Buonaparte has partly by his victories, but principally by his code of universal reciprocity in trade, detached all Europe and America from the interests of the British government. The governments of Europe and America are not united with the republic by offensive alliances; (such are only paper securities, as you can tell), but they are united in enmity against Great-Britain, or rather against the British government, upon a principal of mutual national interests; and they are inspired with a sort of vengeful jealousy at your prosperity. So that whatever expedition the Consul may undertake against Great-Britain, he will in nowise be molested from any other quarter. Russia's convention with you, like the Next to France, your most formidable Danish convention for suspending hostili- enemy is Russia; and although the unforties, are measures of mere conveniency.tunate but honest Paul is dead, it doth not They have disarranged Buonaparte's present campaign it is true, but they have not in one hair's breadth changed the dispositions of those governments in respect to you. On the contrary, your campaign in | the Baltic has determined the Northern courts, and has pointed out to them the means of preventing your squadrons from ever surprising them again.

Buonaparté will most assuredly sooner or later, or whenever you give him an eligible opportunity, attempt the invasion of London; but on your guard he can do you little or no harm. Your late adopted plan of opposing him with arms similar to his own, is the most, or the best reflected arrangement you have made during the war. It disarranges all the Consul's calculations, by preventing the union of his means; and it reflects the highest honour upon its author, as well as upon the noble admiral · who is charged with its direction.

alter your position. Russia and France are now the only independent powers upon the Continent of Europe; and they will very soon divide the continental world between them.*

How fast are events verifying this assertion?

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FRENCH EMIGRANTS.

Observations on the Senatus-Consultum of the 6th Floréal (26th April, 1802) concerning the Emigrants.

Certain French journals have of late made attacks on the emigrants in general, and in particular on those in London. Those attacks, it is true, ought not to be very formidable, since they are conveyed in papers which have constantly been the apologists of every revolutionary measure, as well as of the monsters by whom such torrents of French blood have been shed: nevertheless, as those journals may fall into the hands of many persons little accustomed to search such matters to the bottom; and who have never seen the Senatus-Consultum of the 6th Floréal, which apparently grants to the Emigrants the power of returning to their country; they may contract prejudices unfavourable to those who think they owe it to themselves to abstain from taking advantage of that law it has appeared to me that it may be both proper and useful to offer some observations to justify them in the eyes of an impartial public.

When the revolutionary spirit broke out in France, the clergy and the noblesse, which at all times made public profession of their attachment to religion, to the laws, and to their king, strained every nerve to withstand the entire overthrow of their country.

The following observations have been published in a separate sheet, but, the editor of this work, ever desirous to assist, by all the means in his power, to defend the cause of the French Emigrants, thinks it right to republish it here.-This defence appears to have been drawn forth by certain publications, which, some time ago, appeared in two ministerial papers, called the True Briton and the Sun, and which contained reflections on the character and conduct of the Emigrants, full of falsehood and malice. The chief object of these attacks appears to have been, to drive the last remains of those loyal gentlemen from His Majesty's dominions, and thereby to get rid at once of the charge of maintaining them (or rather of affording them the means of a miserable existence), and of the remonstrances and threats made by Buona parté, on their account. MR. JONES, the "bonourable" the "independant" Mr. Jones, proposed, during the last session of parliament, entirely to cut off the allowance to the French Emigrants. Mr. Vansittart had brought up the report of the supplies necessary for defraying expenses relative to "American Loyalists, Botany Bay Convicts, and French Royalists;" whereupon the "honourable" Mr. Jones observed, that he hoped, that the latter would, after this, re- Their opposition irritated the leaders of ceive no more money from government, as the factious, who perceived that they never the "feeding of them here only tended to could arrive at their object, so long as those "prevent them from leaving the country." He two principal orders of the state should might have better said, that it only prevent- exist: finding it therefore impossible to gain ed them from leaving the world! If it be the clergy and the noblesse, they stirred up asked, why discover indignation at any against them the popular fury over all the thing uttered by such a man as Mr. Jones? kingdom; many of them were cruelly butchthe answer is, that it is not Mr. Jones, ered, a greater number treated with every but a member of the British Parliament, who violence, the whole body threatened, and speaks in behalf of the nation, and for whose their properties plundered and laid waste. sentiments the nation is answerable in the eyes Those atrocities, far from being punished of the world. Dastardly, however, as was the or repressed, were openly and repeatedly recommendation of Mr. Jones, it was less so encouraged by the ruling party in the Nathan the attack of the True Briton: the ulti- tional Assembly, which had then usurped mate object of both was the same, but the sen- the whole authority in the state; and were timents of the former tended merely to starve at last pushed to such extremity, that there the royalists to death, while the latter endea- was no longer any safety for the members of voured, by the means of falsehood, to fix on the clergy and of the noblesse, unless they them a charge of perfidy, and, thereby, to would contribute to the destruction of the rob them at once of their reputation and altar and the throne. The King, although their bread.-In consequence of these pub- apparently still on the throne, was in fact lic calumnies it was, that the following ob- absolutely stripped of all authority. They servations were written, with a view to ex- were no longer in a condition to resist the plain the grounds, on which the royalists overwhelming torrent; and were reduced to now in England have declined to accept of the cruel necessity of becoming either the the amnesty offered them by Buonaparté. accomplices or the victims of the leaders of

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the day, who already made no secret of their determination to extirpate religion and destroy the King. Their choice was speedily made; they resolved to abandon their native land, and to sacrifice, if necessary, their whole fortunes, and to remove to a distance from all they held dear, sooner than be want ing to what was enjoined them by their conscience, their honour, the fidelity they owed to their country, and the oath they had taken to their sovereign.

Many members of the third order of the kingdom entering into their sentiments, followed the fortunes of the two other orders; -of such men is the body of French Emigrants composed: and who will be rash enough to assert that they were not then, and are not still the most worthy and valuable portion of the French nation?

The brothers of the King having also left France, the Emigrants considered them as the rightful representatives of his Majesty then in thraldom; and rallied round their standard, to be employed under the orders of those Princes, for the service of their unfortunate Monarch.

The efforts of these august personages for the restoration of order and lawful authority in France, and for preventing the dreadful calamities it has since undergone, not having been crowned with success; the Emigrants dispersed themselves amongst those nations whose humane hospitality offered them a retreat and from thence they have beheld themselves proscribed, ruined in their fortunes, and treated as enemies by every faction which has successively ruled in France; and there they have supported their misfortunes with a firmness and a courage which have gained them the admiration of all observers; adhering inflexibly to the dictates of honour and loyalty.

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Agreeably to this faithful picture, whose truth is known to all Europe, can the French Emigrants, in any sense of the word, be considered as guilty persons? ought they to be treated as criminals? No, certainly: as sincere martyrs to their religion, their honour, and the fidelity due to their lawful sovereign and the laws of their country, they are entitled to the esteem of all nations; and that esteem they have obtained, and will continue to enjoy; and be the objects of the eulogiums of posterity itself.

What reproach can the present government of France itself bring against them? They withdrew from that country in consequence of the laws enacted by their persecutors, who had decreed that all Frenchmen were at liberty to choose their place of 18·Pret

abode, the government which should best suit them, and to retire from the kingdom how and when they should think proper; and that even without any passport: since the retreat of the Emigrants, all entrance into their native land has been absolutely prohibited; or if they attempted it, how many of them have been put to death ?--If a small number of them have born arms in the service of the powers at war, had they not acquired a right to do so from the moment when their families were plundered of their all, and their persons were publicly proscribed? Did not the same decrees which authorized them to make choice of the government that suited them, by impli cation grant to them the right of serving under the standard of that government? Besides, for what purpose did they carry arms: but to overthrow that execrable government, which had been established in their country? and can it be now brought against them as a crime by him who has thought that such a government ought to be overthrown, and who in fact has completely overturned it? Is it very prudent in him to wish to humble, nay, even render contemptible, those men whose principles he ought, for his own sake, to desire to be those of all under his command; principles which form the security of every species of government?

1 now proceed to explain and examine the principal provisions of the Senatus-Consultum of the 6th Floréal; which in the speeches of the orators of the government is represented to be an act of singular beneficence:

Article I. says, that Amnesty is granted to every individual accused of emigration; yet in Article X. it is said, that one thousand persons may be excepted from the amnesty, by the government which on the 23d Sept. 1802. will make known the names of five bundred only of those proscribed Emigrants: in consequence it retains in petto the names of 500, that it may have it in its power to dispose in an abitrary manner of the fate of all.

Article II. directs every Emigrant to return to France before the 23d of September, under the pain of being deprived of the benefits of the amnesty: that is to say, that Emigrants are compelled to quit the asylum they enjoy in foreign parts and return to France, before they can know whether or not their names are amongst the thousand to be excepted from the amnesty; and who, until the same period, are utterly unknown.

Article III. directs, that every Emigrant, on his return to France, shall, before a com

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missary of the government, make a declaration that he was an Emigrant, and that be now returns in virtue of the Act of Amnesty :that is to say, that he publicly and formally avows himself to have been a criminal: for where there is no guilt, there can be no room for amnesty.

in the number of the thousand to whom the government does not extend the benefits of the amnesty.

In conformity to the 13th Article, the government is empowered to confine the Emigrants to their ordinary place of abode, or to appoint for them another at pleasure: What can have induced the French govern- that is, in other words, that they may be imment to desire, that men alive to the sense of prisoned or banished, without any means of honour, and supported by a good conscience, protection against the most arbitrary orders. should disgrace themselves so far as to declare Can those Emigrants who have so long enthemselves guilty, when they have not seenjoyed in England full and entire liberty the slightest blame attached to their conduct? Has the government not perceived, that if there were, among the Emigrants, some persons compelled by irresistible circumstances to comply with their requisitions, such persons must suffer more by the terms imposed on them, than by all manner of wretchedness, and by even death itself: who therefore can blame those who will not expose themselves, by a return to France, to such extreme humiliation?

Article IV. requires every Emigrant, on his return, to take an oath of fidelity to the go. vernment and Art. XII. directs that he shall remain under the special inspection of government for the space of ten years, or even of his natural life; a precaution surely necessary with respect to suspected persons alone.

under the protection of the laws, endure a situation so nearly allied to slavery.

Articles XVI. and XVII. state, that the estates and properties of Emigrants shall be restored to them, with the exception of such as the republic bas seized in virtue of a forced division of successions! of those which bave been sold or employed for the public service; of woods and forests; duties payable on canals; of demands against the state; revenues due, &c. &c. &c. so that these exceptions include almost the whole property; and ninety-nine Emigrants out of an hundred will have nothing to recover in consequence of the Senatus-Consultum.

Such then is the last law relating to Emigrants, which hath procured so many commendations to the French Government: and occasioned its humanity, its justice, its beneficence to be extolled, not only by the official journals of France, but even by seve

These two articles brought together intimate to every Emigrant, that even when he takes the prescribed oath, no trust is placed in him; on the contrary, that he is regard-ral English writers, who certainly had never ed as an unprincipled wretch, whom no oaths can bind. Can any thing be more insulting, or more disgraceful for the man who consents to be treated in such a manner.

Article V. requires all Emigrants, on their return to France, to renounce every sort of pension or other appointment they may have re ceived from the justice or bounty of foreign states; whilst that government which seems to recall them to their country, not only does not restore to them their properties, most illegally as well as unjustly confiscated; but does not hold out to them, even the most slender means of existence: so that one might imagine they were engaged to return to France merely to exhibit them in all their wretchedness, and to render them despicable in the eyes of their fellow-citizens, by a comparison of their miserable condition with that of those who now wanton in abundance gained at the expense of the Emigrants themselves; and this appears more evidently, when we take notice that they are by the law obliged to renounce the settlements made on them by foreign nations, before they can be certain that they are not

read the decree, or who had not fully understood its meaning. Had they examined it with attention, they would have discovered that that law was as impolitic as severe ; particularly if they had compared it with the law enacted in Holland on the same subject. The Batavian Government perceived that the only way to put an end to the civil broils and disorders occasioned by the revolution, was to endeavour to reconcile the contending parties, and not to suffer one of them to oppress the other: they have felt, that he who devoted himself to the defence of the government for so many years established in his country, may be unfortunate, but can never be criminal.

The French Emigrants, from the first, perceived clearly, that the provisions of the Senatus Consultum were dreadful to them: notwithstanding, many of them, worthy and estimable men, overcome by the desire to revisit their native land, never to be extinguished in the heart of a Frenchman, once more to behold the dearest objects of their affection, and by the earnest and repeated solicitations of relations, have resolved to re

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