very little public spirit, and very little of that sort of conduct which we would wish to see imitated. We saw a poor, tame, spiritless set of men, following the minister of the day, let him be who or what he would; we saw Mr. Pitt making a conveyance of their support as if it had been his property in the fee simple; we saw-we saw enough to wish never to see the like again. section is specified "what shall be consi"dered as contraband of war," no mention is made of hemp, cordage, sail-cloth, pitch, or masts. Yet of most, if not all of these articles consists the far greater part of the cargoes imported from Russia and Sweden, for the purpose of supplying the dock-yards of different states with warlike naval stores. It would not be difficult to point out other objections; but it is not our-In every other sentiment expressed in intention to review Mr. Herries introduction, which we are of opinion will do neither harm nor good. 66 this valuable pamphlet we most heartily concur. The appendix contains some very interesting documents respecting the Bastile, as it is called, and as it always will be called, till its real name be made shorter than that of The House of Correction in Cold Bath Fields. 2. Thoughts on the late General Election, as demonstrative of the Progress of Jacobinism.— By Jobn Bowles, Esq.-Mr. Bowles endea vours to awaken the nation and the govern- 3. Vindication of the Political Conduct of the ment from that state of imaginary security, Rt. Hon. William Windbam, addressed to his into which they were lulled by the sound of Opponents at the late Election for the City of peace. After giving a concise and accurate Norwich.-There is certainly an error in the account of the Jacobinical proceedings at title of this pamphlet: Mr. Windhem stood Norwich, at Westminster, at Coventry, and in no need of a vindication, on account either particularly at Brentford and at Nottingham, of his political conduct or his political opinions, he proceeds to show, that they were the the former none but knaves and fools have natural fruit of unextinguished Jacobinism. ever censured, and the latter have now reIn speaking of the German school of phi- ceived the sanction of woeful experience.losophy, he cites certain provisions from the This error is, however, but a trifle, when set new code of criminal law proposed to be against the great merit of the contents of the adopted in Bavaria, which are truly curious. pamphlet, which is written with energy and He closes his pamphlet with the only obser- elegance, and which abounds in just and usevation in it, of which we do not approve: ful observations, particularly relating to the "A new parliament is about to assemble, bill for the suppression of bull-baiting. The "which will, probably, hold in its hands, passage on this subject, which we could wish "the fate of the British empire, and, per- to extract, is too long for insertion here; but haps, that of the whole civilized world. we shall certainly give it a place in the Sup"To assist it in the arduous duties which it plement to the present volume of the Register. "will have to perform, it has the inesti- The concluding part of it, however, we can"mable benefit of example and experience. not refrain from quoting:-" Should these "To the wisdom, firmness, and energy of the" plans of puritanical legislation proceed, "last parliament, we are indebted, under" the humours, and the inclinations of the "Providence, for the happiness of seeing " people will be reduced to that state of "our revered sovereign once more convene "vassalage, which is always followed by an "the states of his kingdom, and of still en- "utter depravation of public character. A "joying, unimpaired, all the forms and" more desolate, comfortless state of society privileges of our incomparable constitu- can scarce present itself to the imagina"tion." By parliament Mr. Bowles must “tion, than that which the schemes of here mean the House of Commons, because," these sanctified reformers are hastening to otherwise, the word last is altogether inap-" establish. When they are matured, (an plicable. And, if this be his meaning, we " event fervently to be deprecated) all highregret, that he did not point out some par- minded, virtuous courage, all the heroic ticular instances of that ruisdom, that firm- qualities, will die away amongst us. When ness, and that energy, which are to serve as "the theatres, to which we resort to divert an example for the present parliament. Were the mind by a fanciful exhibition of huall, or any one of, these qualities displayed" man follies, or to soften it by affecting in the almost unanimous vote which was "images of the ills that surround us, or to given in favour of the Peace of Amiens? In "exalt it by spectacles of the virtue and short, we narrowly watched the proceedings "" grandeur of our nature, when these shall of the House of Commons; we saw twenty "be shut up by solemn ordinance, when bills of great importance passed without" every day shall be made a sabbath, and twenty members in the House; we saw "the whole country a conventicle, what "ever advances we shall have made in piety for the prudence of the respective conduct «and devoutness, we shall have lost that of England and France on this occasion. activity and vigour, the decline of which | With respect to right and justice, the case "(if a race of puritans be worth a conquest) "will render us an easy and ridiculous prey 66 to our enemies." TO THE EDITOR. seems to stand thus. The acquisition of the African ports by France is unjustifiable,· because those ports can serve only as posts of attack, and are therefore preparatives to the execution of an hostile intention against England, which has certainly shewn no hostile intention against France. The retaining of Malta by England is justifiable, because that island can serve only as a post of defence; but then it is a post essential to the defence of a part of our possessions against which France has, by her acquisition of the African ports, manifested an hostile intention. Our retaining that island is therefore justified by the law of self-defence, which supersedes all other obligations. let the First Consul and the Dey of Algiers settle the matter as they please between themselves; but whether the First Consul persist in keeping or consent to relinquish these ports, our ministers are to look to the security of our empire in India, and never to suffer the only point of defence in Europe to pass into the hands of France through the medium of an unsubstantial and helpless guarantee. Sir,In your remarks on the election of Prince Ruspoli to be Grand Master of the Order of Malta (see Register, p. 512) you admit this election to he contrary to the treaty of Amiens, and conclude with say ing" whether we have a right to bold "this island is another question." Now, if what is reported be true, viz. that the First Consul has compelled the Dey of Algiers to cede to him two ports on the coast of Barbary, it seems to me that our holding Malta, until France or some other You have said well, Sir, (p. 248) that power shall take it from us, ought to be the people of England might with some no longer a question: I say this upon the "shew of reason complain, if a peace, supposition (which will scarce be disputed)" purchased with the safety and honour of that our possessions in India might be en- "England itself, were so soon to be broken dangered by the French becoming masters" for the sake of a nest of pirates,"-and of Egypt. It is now clear beyond all doubt, that the First Consul has determined to repeat his attack upon Egypt, for on no other account would it be worth his while to expend a single livre in maintaining these two African ports. It was doubtless with a view to this enterprize that he has forced an election of a Grand Master of Malta, contrary to the treaty of Amiens, and in the hope that our government might suffer this manœuvre to pass unnoticed. That Malta would be in effect his own the moment it should be garrisoned by Neapolitan troops, he certainly knows: but he also knows by experience, that even the possession of Malta is not sufficient to keep up a safe communication between Egypt and France in opposition to a Bri tish flect. He has therefore endeavoured to make assurance doubly sure, by getting into his hands these two ports; which, whether they are capable of receiving large ships of war or not, will at least serve as a shelter for frigates and transports, and convenient places of rendezvous A Sunday Paper having called the attention for troops. On his part then, this measure of government to an improvement of the situaof having an establishment on the coast of tion of the Irish catholic clergy, as a body emBarbary is prudent and worthy of his mili- bracing great talent, great worth, and depend-. tary foresight. Fortunately on our part ant on a wretched eleemosynary pittance, perwe can shew equal prudence and fore-haps the following statement may be sufficient to sight in not suffering Malta to go any more out of our hands; that island affording the only point of effectual opposition to the apparent designs of our enemy. So much It is possible that the First Consul, on due consideration of his late conduct and present situation, may not undertake to compel us to perform an article in the treaty of peace which he himself has manifestly infringed. But, in case of necessity, let us oppose to the frequently repeated maxim of the French Republic" delenda est Carthago," a more novel and less presumptuous maxim-" tenenda est Melita." SIR, A Plain Speaker. TO THE EDITOR. shew that the popish clergy receive, in fees, for the different offices of their function, more than the whole amount of tythes paid to the established" church.-By an estimate of the late Bishop of Cloyne, it appears that the aggregate tythes of all the parishes, including deaneries and other 54,166 13 20,833 6 8 0 PUBLIC PAPERS. Definitive Conclusum adopted by the Deputation of the Diet of Ratisbon, on the 21st of October, and the Opinion of Austria on the General Plan of Indemnities. It shall be declared to the ministers of the mediating powers, that the Deputation have maturely weighed, according to its importance, the new general plan which was transmitted to them under 4 the date of the 8th of this month. They acknowledge, in the first place, the benevolent regard which the mediating powers and their ministers have had for the representations and remarks which the Deputation have made upon the first declaration. They acknowledge besides, with the and efforts by which the mediating powers have warmest gratitude, not only the benevolent views sought to accelerate the re-establishment of order and tranquillity in the empire, but also the indefatigable zeal with which their ministers have sought, hitherto, to fulfil this task. And as the doubt which the Deputation still had, upon the subject of the new plan, is done away by the illustrations given in the Notes of the 13th and 19th of this month, they make no more difficulty in accepting, in all its extent, the general plan of the 8th. In consequence they will adopt, without delay, conformably to that plan, the necessary deciunite the whole in one act, in order to be able to sions upon the regulations to be made; they will communicate it to the ministers of the mediating powers. The present Conclusum shall be deli vered, in the accustomed forms, to the Imperial, Plenipotentiary, with the request that he will adhere to it, and communicate it to the mediating powers.-The Minister of the Teutonic Order lamented that the Conclusum was drawn up, without waiting for the instructions he expected to receive.-In the same sitting in which the Conclusum was passed, the Minister of Austria gave his is as follows: In conformity with the instruc vote upon the general plan of the indemnities; it tions of his court, the Sub-delegate considers the object of the deliberation under two points of view; that is, under that of the justice of the, claims made to the Deputation of the Empire for his Royal Highness the Grand Duke of Tuscany, and next under that of the conciliatory dispositions and measures of the Imperial and Royal Court. The Sub-delegate establishes, that France, as a contracting party at the peace of Luneville, cannot conclude any convention with others, nor prescribe plans of indemnities which attack any stihand, the part of mediator does not give the fapulations whatever of that treaty; on the otheculty of injuring the rights of a party interested, and the Deputation cannot accede to a plan which injures the treaty of Luneville, considered as the basis and motive of their being convoked. By the treaty of Luneville, the Grand Duke of Tuscany is to be indemnified completely; and that indemnity is neither to be found in the first nor the second plan of indemnities; and to the surprise of the imperial Royal Court, no regard has been had in the modified plan to the representations made taken to answer all other claims. In equity no upon the subject, though measures have been one can put false interpretation upon the dispositions of his Imperial Majesty, if he sees himself A. L. under the necessity of protecting in the most so Total £237,500 0 Hence the emoluments of the catholic clergy exceed the tythes paid to the established church, by at least 88,381. 18s. 4d.-To this may be added the great profits arising from several other religious ceremonies, all which are paid for, such as extreme unctions, masses for the dead, indulgences, commutation of penances, &c. It is not fairly stated, then, that the situation of the Irish catholic clergy, all of whom must be single men, calls for improvement, while those of the established church, nearly the whole of whom are respectable in point of birth and education, are constrained to live on much less, and even to support large families. Neither is it true that their wretched pittance, as this paper styles it, is eleemosynary; on the contrary, it is demanded as a right, for the performance of those services ordained in the rituals of their church, and which would otherwise be with-held. I do not wish, Sir, to detract from the merits possessed by any class whatever: doubtless there may be individuals among the communion alluded to, as among all great bodies, who are endowed with talent and worth; but those who have been witnesses of their general habits, will find no reason to appreciate such talent and worth, to the prejudice of the established clergy of Ireland, whose crudition, morality, and loyalty, were never excelled by any society of men; and whose laudable cxertions have been so conspicuous during the late unhappy disturbances in that country.-There are parishes in Ireland without either churches or glebe-houses, the incumbent, or his curate, being obliged to read prayers every Sunday in some obscure room obtained for the purpose. Should not, then, the paper alluded to (and which! have ever considered as an advocate for the established church), rather approve of public money being applied to remedy those defects, than to augment the income of men who have aiready more than the protestant clergy-What I have now advanced is merely with a design of correcting an erroneous statement, and by no means directed to the attention of government; being fully satisfied, that while so much talent and integrity preside at the helm, whatever measure may be adopted on this, or any other subject, will be the result of that judgment and equitable decision, which have marked the whole of his administration. I am, Sir, Your most obedient servant, nube, provided there be given to the Archduke some other advantage in exchange. She is also disposed to make her troops evacuate that part of Passau, if the Elector Palatine, on his part, shall undertake not to occupy it, until, by some arrange ment of indemnity, his Royal Highness the Grand Duke, shall be secured according to the sentiments of moderation above expressed," Note presented at the Diet of Ratisbon, on the 251b of October, by Baron Bild, the Swedish Deputy for Anterior Pomerania. lemn manner, the rights of his august brother, and of protesting against the adoption of the modified plan of the mediating powers. The legitimacy of this protest cannot be invalidated by any essential reason founded upon the public law of Germany; neither by the majority of votes of the Deputation, because that majority has not authorised the Deputation to outstep the limits and end of its full powers; neither by the invariability of the mediating powers, because these regulations ought to be guided by the legitimacy of the demand, and not by determinations which have their source in dispositions, friendly, but not emanating from any strength of right. It could not be opposed to this demand, that the mass of the indemnitics is not equal to the mass of claims; for in that case, the The under-signed Minister Plenipotentiary from number ought to be restricted to that which is his Swedish Majesty to the Diet of the Empire, expressed in the treaty, and then the restriction conceives that the time is arrived which requires arising from the insufficiency of the mass of in-him to break silence, since the German Empire is demnities should be applied not to one single part, threatened with new dangers and divisions, which but to all. Nevertheless, these principles are of- render it necessary for all the Members of the Emten departed from in the plan of indemnities.-pire to unite with their head, to maintain their The Sub-delegate then states, that the negotia- | independence, without which_there can be no dutions are still in train at Paris; that his court has rable tranquillity or security. The King of Sweden, lately made, by its ambassador, propositions to who is so fortunate as to have lost no territory the French government, which prove its extreme during the war, is too generous to wish any aug. moderation as well as its conciliatory dispositions mentation of his possessions in Germany, and and just regards for the parties interested, and therefore can have no other object than the true from which it has just ground to expect a happy weltare of the German Empire and its legal rights result. The Imperial Royal Court flatters itself and independence. Actuated by these sentiments, with having by such equitable propositions evi- his Majesty would have hesitated to take any part dently manifested the nature of its conciliatory in the affairs of the Empire, had he not found that dispositions, and the price which it attaches to Foreign Powers have interfered in the present imthe interference and to the friendly propositious portant transactions. His Majesty, therefore, as of the mediating powers. After this it has so a Prince of the Empire, and a guarantee of its conmuch the more reason to hope that these powers stitution, is certainly justified in taking a part in will have, by reciprocity, just regards for his Royal the deliberations. His Majesty acknowledges the Highness the Grand Duke, and that they will necessity of changes in the German Empire, on please to make in their plan of indemnities such the equitable principles already admitted, in order modifications as the Imperial Royal Court can agree to indemnify those Princes of the Empire who, by to.-It must be seen from this statement, that the the mutable fortune of the war lately concluded, Imperial and Royal Court cannot incur the least have lost their territories; but such changes, acreproach of delay; far from it, the Sub-delegate cording to these same principles, must be made must regret that the best intentions and concilia- with all possible propriety and justice, so that those tory measures have not been received on the part only may receive indemnifications who have sufof the mediating powers, nor by any of the co- fered actual losses. In conclusion, his Majesty estates to the Deputation, with that eagerness, considers it as a duty again to remind the Diet of which would have removed, and still may remove the Empire, that au improper and dangerous exby some means or other, all the difficulties. The ample has been given, by the occupation of terngeneral state of things is not besides sufficiently tories with an armed force, before the right to pressing to cause apprehension of danger in a more them has been legally acknowledge, and that it is mature discussion. All Europe is tranquil, and necessary, by an express Declaration, to prevent wishes to maintain the peace. Germany awaits the same in future. Bild the decision of its fate with patience and firmness. France has every reason to be content with the advantages which she has obtained from the peace, and has no reason to envy the Royal and Imperial Court the execution of the stipulations which con. cerns it, and still less to refuse it.-The Emperor Alexander I. is a monarch friendly to peace and justice; he will see in this extreme moderation of a faithful friend of his empire this new proof of her good intentions.-Austria, far from envying any body his just pretensions, is ready to sacrifice more than half of her just claims to facilitate her settlement of the business of the indemnities. to Passau, the Imperial and Royal Court is disposed to consent to the abstraction of the part of that bishopric situate beyond the Inn and the Da As | PRICES CURRENT IN LONDON. Eng.Wheat prq.44s to 57s Hops per cwt. 200s to 252 Oats Pease (white).... Beans (horse).... 50..56 Pork.... 4s. 8d. to 5s. sd, ........ 33..38 Tallow 43 Printed by Cox and Baylis, No. 75, Great Queen Street, Lincoln's Inn Fields. Published by R. Bagshaw, Bow Street, Covent Garden, where all the former Numbers may be had VOL. 2. No. 20. ] London, Saturday, 20th November, 1802. CONTENTS.-Let. on Parties, 641. [Price 10D Let. to Ld. Hawkesbury, 646. Reading Ball, 653. Ballad, 655. Parl. 659. Parma, Moreau de St. Mery, 658. Note, Diet of Schwitz, 658. Osnaburgh, Ordinance, 659. Switz. 660Andreossi, and Despard, 661. Summary of Politics, 663. [642 ON THE SITUATION OF EUROPE AND THE plish; an object which she has long since PARTIES OF GREAT-BRITAIN. To the Editor. openly avowed as nearest her heart, which in war, during negotiation, since the conclusion of peace, she has uniformly pursued, SIR, That the present moment is the and is still pursuing, with unabated and inepoch of a great and important change in creasing eagerness; for the prosecution of the whole system of balanced power in the which she will not cease to employ all her continent of Europe, no man of the most resources; and that object is, not the desuperficial observation will hesitate to allow.pression, but the annihilation of the comThey who are even moderately versed in mercial wealth and maritime power of foreign history, cannot but be aware, that Great-Britain. · no period has been marked by so essential an innovation, since the first establishment of the Protestant interest in Germany by the peace of religion, and the division of the Austrian dominions, when the Emperor Charles the Vth. wearied out and exhausted by a succession of difficult, but glorious conflicts, took the singular resolution of resigning his crowns. The peace of Westphalia in the next century, and that of the Pyrenees, which soon followed, were but a natural result of the events to which I have alluded, and of the intermediate losses which Spain had suffered, in the revolt and independence of the United Provinces, and the disasters and destruction of her naval force. During all this time, the ascendancy of France, as a military power, advanced only by slow degrees, and with frequent interruptions: in her attempts to dispute the empire of the seas she was still more unsuccessful. Now she has at once enlarged her territories, beyond all comparison, with the collective acquisitions of many wars; she has fixed herself in a proud and irresistible superiority; she has surrounded herself with barriers, as it were, on every side; she has recast and remodelled the conterminous states at her discretion, in such a manner, that the new system, once settled and consolidated, will leave her nothing to fear hereafter; she has subdued under her the second in rank of the mari-time states, which formerly opposed no inconsiderable obstacle to her efforts of aggrandizement, and she has made herself imore or less directly mistress of the principal stations, which command the intercourse of the two hemispheres. One object, and bat one, remains for her ambition to accom On our part, after the most brilliant victories over the chosen troops of the enemy, with fleets the most triumphant that ever stemmed the ocean, with a commerce, contrary to all former example, flourishing more luxuriantly under the protection of our arms, than in the security of peace; fatigued with conquest and fainting in the career of glory, we submitted-yes, however we may seek to disguise the fact, we did in reality submit to acknowledge an inferiority, which did not exist in the relative circumstances of the two countries. We gave up to our adversaries the colonies which we had gained to our own trade and navigation. We agreed to evacuate, in their favour, the commanding stations which we had occupied. We sanctioned, or we connived at, their seizure of other posts, no less important, which they extorted from our allies, or their own. Not a single stipulation did we get to revive old, or procure new advantages to our commerce. Finally, abandoning the wise and manly policy of our forefathers, we surrendered Europe, without capitulation, to France. In making a peace of this humiliating description, we neglected the customary precaution of insisting, that the armaments of both countries should be reduced, at some given time, to some common standard. Not an instant was lost in disbanding our own soldiers and discharging our sailors, thousands of whom are said to have emigrated to France: our ships are dismantled, and our naval establishments have been reformed, till they are brought lower than in any former peace, the most stabie and safe: while, on the other hand, the Chief Consul has been recruiting his armies; replenishing his arsenals and |