the last resource of misfortune, imprudence, and decayed patriotism, was thought an unsuitable expedient; the man who took the Invincible Standard ought never to appeal to the charity of England. After some deliberation as to the most proper means to be employed, an engraved portrait of Lutz to be sold at a guinea, was resolved on, as at once calculated to commemorate his heroic deed, and to procure him a handsome sum, without wounding those sentiments, which he must, and which he does entertain. The portrait was executed accordingly. It is a full length. LUTZ is dressed in the regimentals of the Queen's German regiment, having the badge upon his breast, and the standard in his hand. A face of a bastion is to his left, while, behind him and to his right, the distant spires of Alexandria terminate the view. The likeness is exact; the print is in colours, and is in size nine inches by twelve. It is now ready for sale, at No. 18, Pall-Mall. -What importance has been attached to the taking of the Invincible Standard, how highly we have prized this trophy of victory, is well known to this nation and to the world: indeed, it is the great pledge of our military fame: it is the pivot on which has turned every eulogium, of every sort, respecting the Egyptian campaign. "We fairly defeated them," says the historian, "and the proof is, we took their "Invincible Standard." This standard was sent to Sir Ralph Abercrombie to cheer him in his last awful moments: it is to be placed on his grand and costly tomb, voted by a grateful Parliament: and, shall the gallant Lurz, shall the man who took this standard, be rewarded with a worsted shoulder-knot, and two-pence a day added to his pay? Shall he, because he is a foreigner, waste his life in penury and obscurity, and finally, perhaps, drop into the grave from the wards of an hospital or a poor-house? Forbid it justice! Forbid it British justice and British honour! Londen, 22d Dec. 1802. WM. COBBETT. TO THE EDITOR. The war of arms is at an end: the war of the custom-house has commenced between France and England. More than ever their policy relates to the concerns of other powers; and the consequences of their competition will shew, that the same act, which has given peace to themselves has scattered the seeds of discord among their neighbours. To lessen the commerce of England will be to lessen her power. Buonaparte will, therefore, try all the means that bis policy can employ to make his rival defenceless before be forces ber to be bostile. Peace It is not clear that the people of England were willing any longer to prosecute the war; but it is now unquestionably clear, that it was their great ultimate interest to pursue it. Peace has brought with it few new resources, it will soon dry up those which spring up with a state of war: for war makes many of its own means. must shortly divide the commerce that war gave to her entire. Her enemies, who lately did not own a ship, are now England's competitors. Their business was to destroy-now it will be to produce and fabricate. They will want less; they will supply more. They will diminish her means and they will recruit their own. England looks at the peace with mingled shame and dread. Shame, because she is already degraded in the eyes of strangers, if not in her own. With dread, because France has gained new power, and shews more than her old ambition. It is too much to say, that Mr. Pitt ought to have proceeded with the war, if he understood the position of things. He might understand it, but it is alleged, and perhaps it is true, that the British nation preferred pre We have frequently said this, and we have as frequently been abused for it. It has frequently been asserted in Parliament, and as fre quently been contradicted by the ministers and their supporters. But here we have the fall proof of the fact. This article is extracted from a p per published in a foreign country. In a country at peace and in amity with us; and the article is written by a person evidently friendly to Eng Boston (America), Oct. 30, 1802. SIR,-You ak me what my countrymen think of the situation of Europe. Read with attention the following article, which I have extracted from the PALLADIUM [aland.-The fact is, that the Palladium is the pro Boston newspaper], and be assumed, that it contains the political sentiments of all wellinformed Americans. This article will also enable your readers (if you should republish it) to judge, whether, as far as relates to duction of the joint talents of several very eminent public men in the sta" of Massachusetts; 50 that, we may venture to rely upon the sentiment, tled sentiment of foreigners with respect to our to which we here refer, as being the fixed and setdegradation. Note of the Editor.. sent ease, which they expected, and have failed of realising by peace, to the glory, the burdens and the distant ultimate security of war. We Americans choose to say, and we are vain-glorious enough to believe, that the people are not counted for any thing any where except in America. The truth is, the voice of the nation, when it conveys its wisdom or its deliberate mistakes, is more sure to penetrate audibly and with efCfect the recesses of St. James's than those of Monticello *. The British nation was, then, perhaps, weary of the war, and therefore it ended. Peace will present an aspect of danger, which the nations courage will not be sum moned to face. The only question is; whether, on viewing its formidable consequences, England will be able to surmount or clude them. A nice problem it is. America is infinitely interested in its favorable solution. When we behold France, with a power so vast as to enable her to undertake almost every thing, and a spirit still more romantic and vast to prompt her to atchieve impossibilities, we are led to think of a new Roman Empire, under which the civilized world is first to bleed, and then to sweat in chains. We see again Rome, after the first punic war; and alas! we see Euipe without a Hannibal, unless we look for him in England's Nelson or Smith. The little states are nothing; they are slaves, paid by the name of independence, for hewing wood and drawing water. The King of Prussia, though powerful, is no Philip, he is only an Attalus or Eumenes, under France. Spain has nothing of an independent monarchy but the title. As to Holland, Switzerland, and the Cisalpine or Italian republics, they are republics during pleasure; they are sovereign, as Ariarathes and Prusias were, tame them for subjection. They are new recruits for the French republic, committed first to the drill serjeant before they are turned into the ranks. They will be cudgelled if they prove refractory. They will be made to obey like negroes, and yet to say and to swear, on occasion, that they are sovereign and independent, as may best suit the ambitious policy of France. Old Rome was too cautious and too much in earnest in her plan to make a conquered people her subjects at once. She gave them a king, or made a pretty little snug independent republic for them, till every man was dead and gone, who was born and educated in independence. Her bitter drugs were all given in honey. So it is with France. Europe has no longer any minor powers. They are swallowed up by France. Her establishment in Louisiana, which, though certain, is delayed only to choose the moment when it will be most fatal to us, will convince even America that distance is no protection. The plagues of Egypt will be in our bosoms, and in our porridge pots. Our pity or our folly has made us weep or wonder at the events of Europe. We have had our spasm, when we saw distress and disease abroad. We are doomed by fate to scratch with a mortal leprosy of our own. Gehazi, by ac-. cepting bribes, is smitten with Naaman's pestilence. Our government bas little force, and since the deplorable 4th of March, 1801,less than ever, to defend Kentucky and Tennessee from the arms of France.* Soon or late they will fall victims to her arts. In spirit and policy we are Dutchmen: we are to lose our honour and our safety, and the economical statesmen, whom the wrath of Heaven bas placed at our head, will enquire what are their worth in shillings. Every penny of their folly will cost a pound. But, say Job's comforters, France is a republic, and of course a sister republic will not only find friendship but security in the aggrandizement of France. Miserable comforters are all these! Before this boasted revolution Europe had many free republics. Alas! they are no more! France, proclaiming war against palaces, has waged it against commonwealths. Switzerland, Holland, Geneva, Venice, Lucca, Genoa are gone, and the wretched Batavian, Helvetian and Italian republics, are but the faint images, the spectres that haunt the sepulchres where they rot. So far has France been from paying exclusive regard to republics, that she has considered them not as associates, but as victims. Venice she sold to the Emperor, Holland she taxed openly, for her own wants, till she drove her rich men into banishment. She "ransomed Switzerland she drained her youth to be food for gun-powder. This is not all, but the king of Etruria is tricked out in purple robes, like a play-house monarch, to tread the stage in mock dignity. The proud Spaniard finds for France gold and dollars, and for that proof of "civism" he is treated as head servant in Buonaparte's kitchen. So that to treat kings with mock favour, and to depress, plunder, and subjugate republics is the acknowledged and experienced consequence of French domination. Let the ignorant hirelings of France prattle about the cause of liberty! Let them re peat the second million of times the silly falshood, that we triumph with France. Her triumphs are detestable. A voice seems to issue from the tombs of the fallen republics for our warning. Our citizens are warned though our government is not, and they would be armed. France or fate did not ordain that we should be disarmed and defenceless. TO THE BISHOP OF LONDON. MY LORD, A Pocket Book for the year ensuing was put, the other day, into my hands which its compositor is pleased cerned for yourself alone, but are most 100 bos, fur, sus, atque sacerdos. And greatly do I fear that unless some prompt and vigourous measures be adopted to expose the treachery, it will do the most extensive mischief; and that your lordship will thus be made the instrument of betraying those" into the snare of the Devil," who, haring a zeal for God but not ac"cording to knowledge," look up to you for guidance "in the way which leadeth to entitle the Christian Ladies Pocket Book. "unto life and therefore seem to be ob The first specimen of his Christianity is jects claiming a more than ordinary portion most grossly libelling your lordship, and of your vigilance and solicitude. - Your that too in the manner best calculated to lordship is venerated, and deservedly ve bring your sacred office into contempt.-nerated, by many who know you only by Prefixed to it there is a frontispiece, con- name, but who do not know that you consisting of four portraits, of which your lord- sider the far greater part of dissenting ships is the first; your associates being Dr. ministers as "false apostles, as deceitful Rees, in doctrine, an Arian and in dici-workers, who have transformed thempline an Independent, Dr. Rippon, an Anabaptist teacher, and Mr. Jay, the methodist preacher at Bath. And an union of four hands in the center intimates, that yourself, and these your companions, "give the right hand of fellowship" to each other as fellow-labourers in the "Gospel of Christ." There cannot be, I am persuaded, a more groundless calumny than that here insinuated or one, from which your lordship has less to apprehend amongst men of reflection and discernment, and whatever personal injury you might thereby sustain, I know you would rather pray for, than punish the offender, nor considered merely as a private wrong, should I attempt to discourage your forbearance. But your lordship is not here individually interested. You are the visible head of an integral part of our catholic body, and a blow aimed at you, is equally injurious to that -You are not con "selves into apostles of Christ," that they may do more effectually the tempter's work. They know not that these people are rending different ways that seamless coat which the Roman soldiers could not find it in their hearts to divide that though at variance amongst themselves, what is the truth of the Gospel, they have made the pulling down of that pure and reformed. part of the church of Christ, established in these dominions, a common cause in which they most cordially unite, and have most audaciously represented your lordship as the patron of their undertaking, that so they may lull the unwary to sleep till they have effected their design.-The trivance, I acknowledge, appears at first sight too despic le to deserve your lordship's attention;ut I need not call upon you (who are seccurate an observer of this eventful perd, and who knows as well the causes producing, con-. as the effects the' "have resisted." and though you should which in these last twelve years have admonishes "to watch," to serutinize narbeen produced) not to let this seeming rowly the pretensions of all who "come insignificance deceive you. I need not "to them in sheep's cloathing," and to call upon you to "behold how great a judge of them not by their professions but "matter a little fire hath kindled," nor by their fruits. I need not remind your need I expatiate upon the very weighty lordship, of the precedent you have before importance of that admonition of the you in your venerable predecessor Bishop Apostle," to mind not high things, but Gibson, who, to put to silence the rebuke "to condescend to men of low estate,' and blasphemy with which, in his days. Your lordship is deeply read in the writings the church was assaulted, pursued precisely of Barruel, and from thence, doubtless, the same method which I have ventured to you are thoroughly furnished with most suggest. I need not, I say, remind your impressive illustrations of those texts to lordship of his example, for you have which I have presumed to solicit your at- given public testimony how entirely it has. tention. Let me entreat you, then, my your approbation, by recommending it so. lord, to exert on this occasion that whole- strongly as you do, to those whom you some authority with which you are in- ordain.-I do not take upon me to affirm vested, and since, upon the unhumanized that a similar expedient would now be affections of these reformers, lenity has equally productive of success, but surely had the effect rather of a corrosive, than it is worth the while to put it to the trial. an emolient application, to try what can "What if we cannot turn the stream" (says now be done by the terrors of the law. If Bishop Hall" writing of the iniquity of you cannot heal the distempered member, his times)" yet we must swim against it, cut it off, my lord, ere the infection spreads" even without conquest; 'tis glorious to -it may be severe discipline to the amputated limb, but 'tis mercy toldery other part of the body.-That was a wise maxim though so wickedly misappl., 'tis good that one man die for the peo, and that the whole nation perish not.-But if your mild disposition is so averse to rigourous measures that you cannot persuade your self, even on those most maliciously wicked, to inflict temporal penalties, at least smite them, my lord, with your own proper sword. I do not ask you to engage in the hopeless task either of convincing or converting these gainsayers, but for Christ's, and for his churches sake, refute them.Publish it to those committed to your care, and now wandering about in the mountains of Gervyzim, that they are without the fold of which you are the overseer that they have fled from those " green pastures to which you would lead them, and are in a barren and dry land "where no water is."-That if they see you represented as indifferently attached to our primitive establishment and to the opinions of Drs. Rees, Rippon, and Mr. Jay, or any other of the ignes fatui which the folly of the present age is daily producing, and as a yoke-fellow with them, they may be assu zd, évet 66 an enemy "hath done this,"-tha, this St. Paul predicted"even amongst mefelves men have "risen up speaking perse things to "draw away disciples fter them," and that, therefore, they are not to be lulled thereby into security, but as the Apostle 66 "Mr. Sheridan's fine Speech?" We refer here to a publication, in the newspaper called the Morning Post, purporting to be a speech delivered by Mr. Sheridan, on the Sth instant. That this speech has some just sentiment, happy description, and apt quotation; that, in short, it is "very fine," is already acknowledged; and, that many parts of it, at least, are, as Sir Archy Macsarcasm says, "varé new, will, we think, not admit of a doubt. Far be it from us to say this with a view of detracting from the merit of the performance; for, as we are now about to show, we our selves are amongst the happy mortals, whose sentiments, and, in some instances, whose very expressions, this profound politician has condescended to verify, if not to adopt. FROM MR. SHERIDAN'S FROM OTHER PUBLICA But, as the question of peace or war is now old opposition do not stand it has been said, that it is possible he may mean nothing more than alty of commerce. Happy, Sir, shall I be if such an idea enter into his head at all, much more if it form part of his plans. But I confess I cannot see that it does. * * I perfectly agree with my hon. friend, that war ought to be avoided, though he does not agree with me on the means best calculated to produce that effect. From any opinion he may expiess, I never diler but wit.. the greatest reluctance. For him my affection, my esteem, and my attachment are unbounded, and they will end with my i He [Buonapartej has discovered that we all belong to the Western family. Sir, I confess I feel a sen of deep indignation, when I hear (I take it from report) that this scrap of nonsense was uttered to one of the most enlightened of the human race.-To this family party I do not wish to belong. He may invite persons if he please, to dinner, and, like Lord Peter, say, that this tough crust is excellent mutton. He may toss a sceptre to the King of Etruria to play with, and keep a rod to scourge him in the corhe may per; have thought at first his Cisalpine Republic a fine growing child, and may have found it a ricketty bantling. My humble apprehension is, that, though in the tablet and volume of his mind there may be some marginal note about cashiering the public consideration, | King of Etruria; yet, which will hereafter pre- that the whole text is sent themselves, there occupied with the deare five modes of con- struction of this counduct, which lie open try. This is the first to their choice; 1. they vision that breaks upon may act in a detached him through the gleam body, as they do at of the morning-this is present; 2. as the allies his last prayer at night of some other party; to whatever deity he 3. as neutrals; 4. they addresses it, whether to may set up a sort of Jupiter, or to Mahomet; armed neutrality; 5. to the Goddess of Batthey may divide, and tles, or to the Goddess of in the quality of mercenaries, be opposed to each other, without any aiminution of that mutual regard, which the vitious St.ss are said to entertain, at the very moment when they are plunging the bayn't into each others breasts. (REGISTER, Vol. I. p. 762-3)• Really I did not know this before. have read falsehood and nonsense enough under the title of speeches of Mr. box, b... never did I know, till informed of it by the First Consul, that you had maintained, in those speeches, that the English, French, Germans, Italians, &c. (mind the et cetera) made but one family, and all lived under the sa he civil code. If this be so, however, it is pretty evident, that Buonaparte is at the head of all this family; France is the home of it, and England like Italy, is no more than a branch, or colony, which may be governed by a vice-president. (REGISTER, Vol. I. p. 343-) Reason. is an inhands > restore happivate ltaand im ing, that one great use, that she means to make of her political power, is, to retrench, if not destroy, the commerce of England. From the savage ravings of Marat and his goary crew down to the cool and malignant speeches of the consular orator, this object has constant ly been the favourite theme. The several sects as well as the everal individual tyrants, whether levellers, ders crats, or federalists; whe ther atheists, protestant, or catholics; however they may have differed as to any and to all other points, they have all been perfectly of one mind with respect to the necessity and the justice of annihilating this country. (REGISTER, Vol. I. p. 455)-Buonaparté is much more afraid of this press than he is of the Pope, or of the Goddess of Reason, or even of Makomet. (Begister, Vol. I. p. 317. For our parts, we most heartily rejoice at seeing Buonaparté assume the style and authority, if not the title even, of an Emperor or a King; for, from the moment he assumes any thing com mon to the lawful monarchs of the earth, fem that moment this nation is united against him. The 10yalist subjects of our Sovereign are ever ready to oppose the power of France, be her ruler who he may; but, there is another description of his subjects, in whose discriminating minds, in whose philanthropic breasts, their lives no hostility except to the persons and families of monarchs; they, gentle souls, would never make war upon their "fellow "men," never would they shed a drop of blood hat issued not through Toyal vestment, never t off a head unencired by a crown. They would give up honours and power; they would He says strument in of providenc Switzerland ness, and to ly to splendo portance. Si think he is an instrument in the hands of providence to make the Ensh love their constitution in better; to cling to it with more fondness; to hang round it with truer tenderness. I believe too, Sir, that he is an instrument in the hands of prolence, to make us more liberal in our political differences, and to rendus de termined with one band and heart to oppose any aggres sions that may tade upon us. * * * * I ́add, resistance, fp, . resolute, determined res tance to the first aggressio be the consequence, what they may. .C 02 ic Stre Printed by Cox and Baylis, No. 75, Great Queen Street, Lincoln's Inn Fields. Published by R. Bagshaw, Bow Street, Covent Garden; where all the former Numbers may be bad. |