examples. The physical prosperity of a people depends upon industry, guided by intelligence, and secured by morality. Man will never act without a motive, and the most natural and powerful motive is the hope of enjoying the fruits of his labors. This certainty, or this hope is strong just in proportion to the goodness of the government under which we live. Under a good government enterprise is kept perpetually upon the stretch. Every hand capable of producing is kept constantly at work, every brain capable of contriving is kept continually employed to invent new methods by which the productiveness of the earth may be increased, same labor may create

and by which the

more material for the satisfaction of human wants. There have been probably more labor saving machines invented in this country since the declaration of independence, than there were in the whole world since the beginning of time. A bad government paralyzes all enterprise by extinguishing all hope. It puts an end to all invention by taking away all motive. It makes a people idle, vicious, discontented, miserable. Under a good government men work together with

intelligence and energy for the good of the whole. Under a bad government the few use the many as mere machines to accomplish their own purposes, without regard to the general interest. Good government makes men, bad government makes slaves.

As a people cannot prosper under a bad government, so a prosperous people is the indubitable evidence of a good government. If you see a man growing rich, you are certain that there must be industry and good management. If you see a nation continue for ages rich and powerful, you are sure that it must have had good laws and wise institutions. Forms are not of so much consequence as it would at first sight appear. A despot, if he were perfectly wise and perfectly good, would form the best government. He would enact the best laws, and see that they were faithfully executed. And the best institutions, when administered by bad or incompetent men, may be made the means of ruining a nation. The welfare of a monarch, virtuous and enlightened, is so far identified with that of his people, that he has few temptations to go radically wrong. Perhaps the best code of municipal law, that the world has ever

seen, was drawn up under the inspection of the most absolute sovereign of modern times. Legislation is a moral science, which has no connexion with any form of government. Its principles are partly those of abstract right, the primitive moral intuitions, and partly the rules of action which experience has demonstrated to be most beneficial to society. It is a science which can be elaborated only by the experience of ages, and can be perfected only by the minutest statistical information. Has there ever been a form of government discovered, which secures the selection of wise, honest and competent legislators? Supposing we establish establish a pure democracy, and surrender legislation into the hands of the whole people in their primary assemblies, should we be sure of good laws and judicious policy? Let the history of Athens bear witness. Let the banishment of Aristides, and the death of Socrates bear witness. What is worse than the tyranny of a mob? What is worse than the domination of demagogues in the name of the people? Suppose then we adopt a Republic, in which the legislators are chosen by the people, is there then any security that those who

are selected will have the requisite knowledge of the science of legislation? Let our own statute books bear witness. The best lawyer will tell you that such is the ignorance and want of system in our state legislatures that a few years fill the courts with utter confusion, and make civil duty, which ought to be the plainest of all subjects, the most perplexed. In a Republic, if the legislators be capable, is there any security that they will be honest? Certainly not, when the hall of legislation is changed into an arena of combat for the offices of the country, where session after session is consumed in plots and counterplots to retain power, or to oust the possessors. There you may see question after question decided by a strictly party vote, and of course law after law enacted with no reference to abstract right, or the good of the country, but solely to the upholding or putting down the party in power.

The very rotation in office, which is the boast of a Republic, though it may be the best on the whole, is decidedly a disadvantage to legislation. To be an accomplished legislator, requires the study of a life. It is certainly a more important office to make laws

than to expound them. adopt the principle of

Would it be safe to rotation in the office

of the judge, and as soon as one set has become qualified for the duties of their station, to dismiss them, and supply their places from the ranks of the people? Steadiness in legislation is quite as important as abstract right. A bad system steadily pursued is better than perpetual change.

But am I a monarchist because I thus speak? By no means. The subjection of the fortunes of millions of human beings to the caprice of one man, or to the chances of his character and disposition is a most appalling thought. It is a risk which no wise man would ever wish to run. That one man should have the power to prostrate the prosperity of a great nation, is a state of things which every philanthropist would choose to avoid. Legislation is safer in the hands of many than of one, and safest in the hands of those whom a community choose as their wisest and their best. All I mean to say is, that even then it is liable to mistake and abuse. What is it but bad legislation that has brought on our country its present distress? The states have borrowed millions from abroad.