imperious queen, engaged in foreign and hostile interests; and a prince of mature years, of approved wisdom and experience, a native of England, the lineal heir of the crown, who, by his restoration, would replace every thing on ancient foundations.

So many plausible arguments could be urged on both sides of this interesting question, that the people were extremely divided in their sentiments; and though the noblemen of greatest power and influence seem to have espoused the party of York, the opposite cause had the advantage of being supported by the present laws, and by the immediate possession of royal authority. There were also many great noblemen in the Lancastrian party, who balanced the power of their antagonists, and kept the nation in suspense between them. The earl of Northumberland adhered to the present government: the earl of Westmoreland, in spite of his connections with the duke of York, and with the family of Nevil, of which he was the head, was brought over to the same party; and the whole north of England, the most warlike part of the kingdom, was, by means of these two potent noblemen, warmly engaged in the interests of Lancaster. Edmund

Beaufort, duke of Somerset, and his brother Henry, were great supports of that cause; as were also Henry Holland, duke of Exeter, Stafford, duke of Buckingham, the earl of Shrewsbury, the Lords Clifford, Dudley, Scales, Audley, and other noblemen.

While the kingdom was in this situation, it might naturally be expected that so many turbulent barons, possessed of so much independent authority, would immediately have flown to arms, and have decided the quarrel, after their usual manner, by war and battle, under the standards of the contending princes. But there still were many causes which retarded these desperate extremities, and made a long train of faction, intrigue, and cabal, precede the military operations. By the gradual progress of arts in England, as well as in other parts of Europe, the people were now become of some importance; laws were beginning to be respected by them; and it was requisite, by various pretences, previously to reconcile their minds to the overthrow of such an ancient establishment as that of the house of Lancaster, ere their concurrence could reasonably be expected. The duke of York himself, the new claimant, was of a moderate and cautious character, an enemy to violence, and disposed to

trust rather to time and policy, than to sanguinary measures, for the success of his pretensions. The very imbecility itself of Henry tended to keep the factions in suspense, and make them stand long in awe of each other: it rendered the Lancastrian party unable to strike any violent blow against their enemies; it encouraged the Yorkists to hope that, after banishing the king's ministers, and getting possession of his person, they might gradually undermine his authority, and be able, without the perilous experiment of a civil war, to change the succession by parliamentary and legal authority.

[1451.] The dispositions which appeared in a parliament assembled soon after the arrival of the duke of York from Ireland, favored these expectations of his partisans, and both discovered an unusual boldness in the commons, and were a proof of the general discontents which prevailed against the administration. The lower house, without any previous inquiry or examination, without alleging any other ground of complaint than common fame, ventured to present a petition against the duke of Somerset, the duchess of Suffolk, the bishop of Chester, Sir John Sutton, Lord Dudley, and several others of inferior rank; and they prayed the king to remove them forever from his person and councils, and to prohibit them from approaching within twelve miles of the court.* This was a violent attack, somewhat arbitrary, and supported but by few precedents, against the ministry; yet the king durst not openly oppose it: he replied that, except the lords, he would banish all the others from court during a year, unless he should have occasion for their service in suppressing any rebellion. At the same time he rejected a bill, which had passed both houses, for attainting the late duke of Suffolk, and which, in several of its clauses, discovered a very general prejudice against the measures of the court.

[1452.] The duke of York, trusting to these symptoms, raised an army of ten thousand men, with which he marched towards London, demanding a reformation of the government, and the removal of the duke of Somerset from all power and authority. He unexpectedly found the gates of the city shut against him; and on his retreating into Kent, he was followed by the king at the hesi of a superior army; in which several of Richard's friends, particularly Salisbury and Warwick, appeared; probably with a view of mediating between the

Parl. Hist. vol. ii. p. 263.

+ Stowe, p. 394.

parties, and of seconding, on occasion, the duke of York's pretensions. A parley ensued; Richard still insisted upon the removal of Somerset, and his submitting to a trial in parliament: the court pretended to comply with his demand; and that nobleman was put in arrest: the duke of York was then persuaded to pay his respects to the king in his tent; and, on repeating his charge against the duke of Somerset, he was surprised to see that minister step from behind the curtain, and offer to maintain his innocence. Richard now found that he had been betrayed; that he was in the hands of his enemies; and that it was become necessary, for his own safety, to lower his pretensions. No violence, however, was attempted against him: the nation was not in a disposition to bear the destruction of so popular a prince: he had many friends in Henry's camp; and his son, who was not in the power of the court, might still be able to revenge his death on all his enemies: he was therefore dismissed; and he retired to his seat of Wigmore, on the borders of Wales.*

While the duke of York lived in this retreat, there happened an incident which, by increasing the public discontents, proved favorable to his pretensions. Several Gascon lords, affectionate to the English government, and disgusted at the new dominion of the French, came to London, and offered to return to their allegiance under Henry.t The earl of Shrewsbury, with a body of eight thousand men, was sent over to support them. [1453.] Bordeaux opened its gates to him he made himself master of Fronsac, Castillon, and some other places: affairs began to wear a favorable aspect; but as Charles hastened to resist this dangerous invasion, the fortunes of the English were soon reversed: Shrewsbury, a venerable warrior, above fourscore years of age, fell in battle; his con quests were lost; Bordeaux was again obliged to submit to the French king; and all hopes of recovering the province of Gascony were forever extinguished.

Though the English might deem themselves happy to be fairly rid of distant dominions, which were of no use to them, and which they never could defend against the growing power of France, they expressed great discontent on the occasion; and they threw all the blame on the ministry, who had not been able to effect impossibilities. While they were in this

Grafton, p. 620.

† Holing. p. 640. Polyd. Virg. p. 501. Grafton, p. 623.

trust rather to time and policy, than to sanguinary measure for the success of his pretensions. The very imbecility of Henry tended to keep the factions in suspense, and them stand long in awe of each other: it rendered castrian party unable to strike any violent blow again enemies; it encouraged the Yorkists to hope that, ishing the king's ministers, and getting possess person, they might gradually undermine his authorit able, without the perilous experiment of a civil war, the succession by parliamentary and legal authority.

[1451.] The dispositions which appeared in a par assembled soon after the arrival of the duke of Yor Ireland, favored these expectations of his partisans. discovered an unusual boldness in the commons, and proof of the general discontents which prevailed ag administration. The lower house, without any prequiry or examination, without alleging any other. complaint than common fame, ventured to present against the duke of Somerset, the duchess of bishop of Chester, Sir John Sutton, Lord Dudley, others of inferior rank; and they prayed the ki them forever from his person and councils, them from approaching within twelve miles This was a violent attack, somewhat arbitrary. but by few precedents, against the ministry t durst not openly oppose it: he replied that, he would banish all the others from court unless he should have occasion for their serv any rebellion. At the same time he reje had passed both houses, for attainting the la and which, in several of its clauses, discov eral prejudice against the measures of the c

[1452.] The duke of York, trusting to raised an army of ten thousand men, with towards London, demanding a reformation and the removal of the duke of Somerset i authority. He unexpectedly found the ga against him; and on his retreating into K by the king at the her i of a superi of Richard's friends, particul appeared; probably with

heine so far recovered from his distemper, as to carry the annearance of exercising the royal power, they moved him to resume his authority, to annul the protectorship of the duke

release Somerset from the Tower,* and to commit the administration into the hands of that nobleman. [1455.] Tchard, sensible of the dangers which might attend his for mer acceptance of the parliamentary commission, should he submit to the annulling of it, levied an army; but still withur advancing any pretensions to the crown. He complained -unty of the king's ministers, and demanded a reformation of the Lovernment. A battle was fought at St. Albans, in which

1 Orkists were superior, and, without suffering any mateloss, Siew about five thousand of their enemies; among on were the duke of Somerset, the earl of Northumber

e earl of Stafford, eldest son of the duke of BuckingLord Clifford, and many other persons of distinction.† Aimself fell into the hands of the duke of York, who with great respect and tenderness: he was only

which he regarded as no hardship) to commit the ority of the crown into the hands of his rival.

the first blood spilt in that fatal quarrel which shed in less than a course of thirty years, which ized by twelve pitched battles, which opened a raordinary fierceness and cruelty, is computed to e lives of eighty princes of the blood, and almost ihilated the ancient nobility of England. The chments, which, at that time, men of the same 20 to each other, and the vindictive spirit, which ored as a point of honor, rendered the great famable in their resentments, and every moment The breach between the parties. Yet affairs did not ly proceed to the last extremities; the nation was

time in suspense; the vigor and spirit of Queen supporting her small power, still proved a balance at authority of Richard, which was checked by his temper. A parliament, which was soon after asd, plainly discovered, by the contrariety of their prothe contrariety of the motives by which they were granted the Yorkists a general indemnity; the protectorship to the duke, who, in