man. The persons seem generally to have attentively regarded the snake, who kept his eyes fixed upon them, till they discovered the most beautiful colours, and sometimes heard the most delightful sounds, and found themselves irresistibly attracted towards the hated reptile. What would have been the catastrophe we know not, as in every instance related the charm was broken before the destined victim reached the wily animal; yet the escape was not without pain and sickness. Dr. W. supports these relations by giving the highest character to the narrators, among whom were a physician and a clergyman, by quoting from the Phil. Trans. an account of a mouse having been charmed in Italy by a viper, and a variety of instances from Vaillant's Travels in Africa. Having fully established, as he supposes, the existence of the fascinating power, he attempts to account for it by conjecturing that the serpent operates by means of an effluvia, which he darts from his own eyes into those of the unfortunate victim, and closes his dissertation by showing the high opinion of the serpent entertained by the ancients.

Dr. Barton, in the 4th vol. of the Philadelphia Phil. Trans. has undertaken to prove the non-existence of such a power, and that, in every instance in which it has been supposed to operate, the animals said to be charmed were affected by fear for their young, endangered by the near approach of the serpent. Dr. Barton likewise proves that no disagreeable effluvia proceeds from the serpent, which is confirmed by another paper in the same volume, and that birds and other animals have been confined with them, without the least injury. Dr. B. in this paper shows that the rattle snake, of which most of these stories are related, very seldom feeds on birds, and that its fascinating power, even supposing it to exist, could be of little or no use to it, and that therefore it would be contrary to reason to suppose the snake endued with it. Much of this reasoning will not indeed apply to the fascination of human beings, which appears to us to be very similar to the fascination among the fanaticks in many parts of our country. Whether the serpent there operates by an effluvia from the eyes, we know not; but the real cause we believe to be precisely the same, viz. effect upon the imagination, which is very perceptible in all the instances related by Dr. W. Had he observed the fanaticks in Vermont, and attentively perused the famous report of Franklin and others to the king of France upon the

subject of animal magnetism, we think, he must have observed the resemblance, and that he would have been at no loss to account for this wonderful power. Dr. W. seems to have mistaken the opinions of the ancients upon this subject. He says that "the highest degree of malice was expressed by the ancients by the phrase of a serpent that would not be charmed, that is, physically divested of his power to bite." What relation the latter clause of this sentence has to the former, we are unable to discover; but neither the passages which he quotes from scripture, nor any authority we have met with among the ancients, give the most remote hint of the doctrine of fascination, as here related. That they believed the serpent himself subject to be charmed, that is, tamed, seems much more probable. Various stories are related by them of his extreme tractability, of which there is a remarkable instance in Lucian upon the impostor Alexander, who carried on his deceptions wholly by means of the docility of a serpent. The fables, in which they were supposed to confer the power of divination, are the only ones that we remember, where they were honoured with any power over man.

The other appendices are of little consequence, except No. 13 in the 2d vol. which contains a "topographical table of the towns and counties in the state of Vermont," and includes the census of 1800. They consist principally of speeches (mostly Indian), of inscriptions on monuments to persons who died in the Canadian wars, &c. which can be inserted only to swell the volumes for the doubtful profit of the bookseller.

RETROSPECTIVE REVIEW.

ARTICLE 22.

NEW ENGLISH CANAAN,

OR,

NEW CANAAN.

(Continued from page 425, vol. viii.)

THIRD book is a description of the people planted there, what remarkable accidents have happened there since they were settled, what tenents they hould, together with the practice of their churches.

Great allowance must be made for the prejudices of a writer who hated the persons he describes, feeling sore from what he called their ill usage, and whose object was to render them odious to the parent state. In a former section of the book he had said it was "his chance to be landed in the parts of New England, where he found two sorts of people, the one Christians, the other infidels, whom he found more full of humanity than the other." When we consider him as relating the affairs of the country, we should recollect, therefore, that he was filled with resentment against the inhabitants, who on the other hand viewed him as a monster that should be chained or driven out of their territories. After giving some account of the league which the Plymouth planters made with the sachem of these dominions; he proceeds to describe the plantation of Mr. Weston's people. He tells us that when they arrived at Plymouth, they were made welcome" by the brethren, while the good cheare lasted, and the strong liquors welked," but when the provisions grew short with feasting, they hasted them away to a place called Wessaguscus, and there left them fasting.

One of the chapters of this book is the Description of a parliament held at Wessaguscus, and the actes. This we shall transcribe, on account of a story which has been been trumpeted about, with a view to ridicule the people of New England, and especially the fathers of Plymouth plantation, with whom it had no concern.

"Master Weston's plantation being settled at Wessaguscus, his servants, many of them, lazy persons, that would use no endeavours to

seke the benefit of the country, some of them fell sick and died. One among the rest, an able bodied man, that ranged the woodes, to see what it would afford, lighted by accident on an Indian barne, and from thence did take a cappe full of corne. The savage owner of it finding, by the foote, some English had bin there, came to the plantation, and made complaint.

"The chief commander of the company after this called a parliament of all his people but those who were sick, and ill at ease. And wisely now, they must consult upon this huge complaint, that a privy knife, or string of beades would well have qualified, and Edward Johnson was a special judge of this business: The fact was then in repetition, construction made that it was fellony, and by the laws of England punished with death; and this in execution must be put, for an example, and likewise to appease the salvage, when straitways one arose, moved as it were with some compassion, and said that he could well gainsay the former sentence, yet hee had conceived within the compasse of his brain, an embryon, that was of special consequence to be delivered and cherished, he said, that it would most aptly serve to pacifie the salvages complaint, and save the life of one that might (if neede should be) stand them in good steade, being younge and stronge, fit for resistance against an enemy which might come unexpected for any thing they knew. The oration made was liked of every one, and hee intreated to proceede to shew the meanes how this could be performed: Sayes hee, you all agree that one must die, and one shall die; this younge man's cloaths we will take off, and put upon one, that is old and impotent, a sickly person, that cannot escape death, such is the disease on him confirmed, that die he must put the younge man's cloaths on this man, and let the sick man be hanged in the other's steade: Amen, sayes one, and so sayes many more.

"And this had like to have proved the final sentence, and become there confirmed by act of parliament, to after ages, for a president, but that one, with a raven's voice, begun to croake and rave for revenge, and put by that conclusive motion, alledging such deceipts might be the meanes hereafter to exasperate the minds of the exasperated salvages, and that by his death, they should shew their zeal for justice, and therefore he should die; This was concluded; yet nevertheless a scruple was made; now to countermand this act, did represent itself unto their mindes, which was how they should do, to get this man's good wil. This was indeed a special obstacle, for without, they all agreed it would be dangerous for any man to attempt the execution of it, lest mischiefe should befall them every man. He was a person who in his wrath was a'second Sampson, able to beat out their brains with the jaw bone of an Therefore they called the man and by persuasion got him fast bound in jest, and then hanged him up hard by in good earnest, who with a weapon, and at liberty, would have put all those wise judges of the parliament to a pittiful non plus, (as it has been credibly reported) and made the chief judge of them all buckle unto him.”

ass.

This seems like romance from the pen of one who had a luxuriant fancy, rather than one desirous of communicating true intelligence. But it is a fact mentioned by grave historians as well as by Morton; and by Butler, the author of Hudibras, who might have related it to divert the merry wags of Charles's court, by telling of the saints in New England, who hung a bed rid weaver for a useful cobler. Mr. Hubbard tells the story as serious; or says the Plymouth people allowed there was some foundation for it. Of those who had been concerned in a theft, when the Indians insisted upon having the ringleader punished-" They hanged one who was less culpable, and not likely to live, in his stead. Others say, they deceived the Indians, and hanged up one who died of sickness or famine, a little while before." European writers have transferred the story from Weston's plantation to the Plymouth settlement, and by some to New England people at large.

Morton was prejudiced in favour of Weston's company, but was too fond of a jest, to let any thing escape him that would afford entertainment to his readers.

Our author differs from our other early historians in the account of Wollaston's company, more than in any thing else. He was interested in this business, and wished to have the truth concealed where his own character would suffer by it. He endeavoured to make others believe that all the other Plymouth settlers could allege against him and his company was, that they read the common prayer book, or worshipped according to the form of the church of England. By this he was more likely to gain the point which he wanted to carry, viz. to change the government of New England, and become himself a great man of the country.

He gives however a diverting account of the capture of the place, as well as the proceedings of the company, which excited the resentment of purer characters.

"The Separatists envying the prosperity and hope of the plantation at Ma-re Mount (which they perceived began to come forward, and to be in a good way for gaine in the beaver trade) contrived together against mine host especially (himself) who was the owner of the plantation, and made up a party against him, &c.

They set upon mine honest host, at a place called Wessaguscus, where, by accident, they found him. The inhabitants