covertly, through the metaphor of this truly | however heartily he wishes them success, unparalleled procession, his conviction that will express his wish under threats and menthe emperor of the French is far behind not ances, on pain of seeing an Americo-French only the present age but all the ages, their alliance, and a glorious revenge for Watervery footprints having begun to fade before loo and St. Heleha. We may laugh at such he follows in their track. We fear he means nonsense, but we shall not choose the time only to indulge in meaningless, hyperbolic of its utterance to cheer on the North. We flattery. If so, we say emphatically that the trust we may hear no more of this foolish North injures its cause by such solicitations bluster, which seals the lips and paralyzes for an unnatural alliance. the efforts of the most enthusiastic English friends of the Northern States.

From The Economist, 8 June. [This paper is in the commercial and manufacturing interest.]

PROBABILITIES OF THE STRUGGLE IN

AMERICA.

Again, if the Northern statesmen really wish, as we believe they do, for honest English sympathy, they should not, in their temporary irritation at the sneers of the Times and the neutral policy of Lord John Russell, do their best to supply the small Southern party here with stinging weapons against the friends of freedom. Self-restraint seems almost unknown to these gentlemen. What THE prospects opened by the American can be grosser ignorance, or more deliberate disruption grow wider, but do not grow misrepresentation than to say, as the Ameri- clearer, day by day. We see new issues, can minister to Austria does, that Lord John new possibilities, new dilemmas, but pasRussell had compared the Federal Govern- sion and bombast combine to throw a sort ment to Turks, and the Confederate States of hazy fog over the whole scene. We can to the revolutionary Greeks? The question dimly perceive fresh secessions rising in the being, whether we were to consider the ships distance, unexpected complications of the of the Southern States as pirates fighting social problem at home, unforeseen perplexunder no national flag, or as belligerents, ities in relations abroad. Some results are Lord John Russell simply said that the only already absolutely certain; others become guiding precedent was the case of Greece, hourly more probable; but in spite of all where we had decided that the revolutionary that is written for our enlightenment by ships must be treated not as pirates, but Americans here, and all that comes to us as belligerents. The parallelism, as any across the water, we are as far as ever from child could see, extended in no way to the understanding what is really aimed at, or question of right, but only to the question what can possibly be achieved, by either of law. Mr. Burlingame is little fitted to belligerent. The South speaks of "the worse discuss international questions in the name than Austrian despotism" of the Free States. of his Government, if he can either blunder The North speaks of the "insolent rebellion so atrociously, or wilfully misrepresent Lord and presumptuous demands" of the Slave John's meaning so grossly as he did in Paris States. Both parties (as has been tersely the other day. He should remember that said) explain very clearly why they are fightit is a far graver task to uphold the reputa-ing, but not at all what they are fighting for. tion of his Government for fairness and can- The South says it is arming to enforce the dor in Europe, than "to unfold the beauti- right of secession-which, whether "a right" ful banner of his country in the beams of or not, has already become a fact which can the setting sun," an achievement which ap- neither be refuted nor undone;-and the pears to constitute his chief, though certainly North says it is arming to subdue the renot his best, assignable reason for honor-bellion of the South-though, till excitement ing Colonel Fremont. When will Americans learn that Europeans find it difficult to believe in the serious convictions of men who play with words so glaringly and often so unscrupulously as they do?

Finally, we would seriously remind our American friends, that though English sympathy goes heartily with their cause, so heartily that Mr. Clay's foolish fancy about our lending support to the South would never occur to any English statesman-yet its expression will be inevitably checked by this blustering language: and it is the hearty expression of our sympathy which will best serve the American cause. No Englishman,

grew into the blind passion it has now be come, the notion of absolute conquest and subjugation was either not named or was explicitly abjured. Its orators merely insisted on "repossessing" Federal property, which must be resold or restored as soon as the severance, already actual, shall have been formally acknowledged.

Now, however, that the accredited representatives of the United States have begun to declaim with confidence on the imminent conquest and coercion of the South, we must give a word or two to what certainly seems a wild hallucination. We in England, whatever be our wishes, cannot bring ourselves

STRUGGLE IN AMERICA.

117

never yet been achieved, and which no sober or sane man would attempt.

PROBABILITIES OF THE to believe in the possibility of such an issue. Much is said of the alleged existence, importance, and forcible suppression of a strong But the existence of a large Unionist miUnionist minority in the seceded states, and, nority in several of the states a fact which considering inherent probability as well as the it is as impossible to doubt as to measureunquestionable fact of the violence habitually points, we think, to a different conclusion, done to minorities in America, we have no and must have very important influence on doubt that it is said with perfect truth. As the ultimate issue. It may very probably to the numbers, character, social influence, complicate secession with subdivision. Aland probable action of these Unionists, we ready the United States have shown marare, and must remain, wholly in the dark. vellous aptitude for multiplication by the It is pretty clear, however, that be they process which naturalists term fissiparous many or few, poor or rich, they have neither generation. They propagate by splitting. the courage to make their action felt at Not only have newly acquired territories dihome, nor the power to make their protest vided and subdivided themselves into disheard abroad. No doubt they might raise tinct states, but old states have followed or their heads-though at infinite risk-in case set the enticing example. Maine, if we are of a disaster to the arms of the Southern not mistaken, owes its separate existence to Confederacy, or of long-continued suffering this operation. Now, in the four Border in consequence of the blockade. But in the States, Missouri, Kentucky, Virginia, and mean time their repression is complete and Maryland, the Secessionist party and the their influence nil. Nor do we conceive that, Unionist party, if not equally divided, are even if all that is alleged as to their extent both so powerful, that neither can carry the and importance as a party were true, it would state into the camp it favors without exerrender the conquest and re-incorporation of cising a degree of coercion over its rival, the seceded states much more likely to be which so nearly equal a rival can scarcely be effected, or much better worth attempting. expected to tolerate. Thus, Missouri is not After all allowances, in spite of all calcula- naturally, either by soil or climate a Slave tions, as the net result of the most sanguine State-that is, there is nothing in either estimates on either side, the conclusive facts which specially or imperatively dictates the will still remain-insurmountable, undenia- employment of slave labor and many of ble, and not to be explained away;-that the the residents are already beginning to admit seceding states are now ten in number, that that it was a mistake ever to have insisted their aggregate white population cannot be on its introduction. Sooner or later it will, short of eight millions; and that, of these, no we doubt not, become free; and, considerone believes that fewer than five or six mil- ing that it has no natural or necessary lions are genuine and passionate secessionists. boundaries-that its limits are merely an afNow, the politician who believes that five or fair of maps and parchments-there seems six millions of resolute and virulent Anglo- little reason why the free-soil portion which Saxons can be forcibly retained as citizens adjoins Kansas should not annex itself to that of a republic from which they are deter- state, leaving the slaveholders to form a new mined to separate, or that they would be de- province, or to join one of their Southern sirable or comfortable fellow-citizens if so neighbors. Again, why should the Kenretained, must have some standard for esti- tucky Unionists be overborne by the Kenmating values and probabilities which is ut- tucky Secessionists, or attempt to overbear terly unintelligible to us. Parties who quar- them? Why need half the citizens drag rel as a matter of temper may be reconciled over the other half to a decision in which or cooled; parties who quarrel over a ques- they do not agree and a lot in which they tion of abstract right, or about a division of are not willing to participate-simply beprofit, of property, or of spoil, may submit cause they happen to form portion of a their claims to arbitration; subjects or sec-district which has been accustomed to act tions who rebel against a recognized and as a political unit in the old Federation? powerful government may be coerced, pun- Virginia, too, we know, is nearly equally diished, exterminated, or cowed into submis- vided in opinions and sympathies. East sion. But to subjugate, to conciliate, to Virginia is slaveholding and secessionist. terrify, or to re-embrace many millions of West Virginia is free-soil, is zealous for the free men who believe themselves to consti- Union, and is yearly becoming rich, poputute independent and sovereign states, who lous, and therefore powerful at the expense are trained to arms, who are inured to self- of its negro-breeding co-inhabitants. government, who from infancy and for gen-ginia, as a whole, cannot embrace either the erations have been accustomed to tyrannize Northern or Southern side in the quarrel, and bully, but never taught to forbear, to cannot join either the old Union or the new submit, or to obey,-this is a feat which has Confederation, without inflicting an oppres

Vir

[In an article in the same paper, upon prospects in the money market, the Economist says:-]

There is likewise a subsidiary cause which may ultimately be very important, though, as it is of American origin, it necessarily partakes of the uncertainty of transatlantic phenomena. American capital is certainly being sent hither for investment, and if the disturbances there are of long continuance, which is the preponderating probability, it is possible that much more may be sent here for security and for profit, as we know that after 1848 so much was sent to us for similar reasons from all parts of Europe.

sion and a wrong upon one-half of its citizens, ties to prevent the strife being complicated -without, in fact, placing itself exactly in by the horrors of servile insurrection. the same position as the aggregate Republic has been ever since this unhappy controversy commenced. United Virginia will be a picture in miniature of what the "United States" are on a great scale-a nation divided against itself. But why should Virginia remain united, or continue to constitute one political integer? East Virginia has just the same right and just the same motive, to separate from Western Virginia, as the South has to separate from the North. The original connection in each case was partly accidental, partly traditional, partly spontaneous: -in each case, as in every case in America, the will of the people was, and must always be, the supreme and inappellable tribunal-the ultima ratio regum. Nay, in the instance of the state, the matter is clearer than in the instance of the Federation; since there is no natural division between the North and the South; but Eastern and Western Virginia are divided by the Alleghany range.

Ultimately, we have little doubt, matters will work themselves out pretty much as nature and common sense suggest. The Americans are not people to be coerced in any direction, either in their larger or their smaller subdivisions. Those whose interests or whose sympathies incline them to unite or to remain united, will do so: those whose interests or whose sympathies incline them to severance, will sever;-and no man or government will be able to say them nay. Virginia may choose to split; Missouri may hesitate for awhile; Kentucky may elect to remain obstinately neutral. But gradually the problem will solve itself. The slaves in these border districts will grow more and more restless and fugitive; the more energetic, and therefore the more valuable negroes will escape into the Free States, whence no law of extradition will then deliver them up; and their masters, finding their property growing daily more precarious, will be anxious to realize while they can, and will sell their slaves South as speedily as possible. As soon as slaves cease to be a desirable property to hold in Kentucky, Missouri, East Virginia, and Maryland, they will cease to be held there; and as soon as they are sold off and disappear, these states will fall into the Northern Confederacy as a matter of course. This will be the operation of natural influences, if events are left to work themselves out in peace. If once the passions of civil war be let loose, no man can foresee the issue. If Virginia, with its half million of slaves, be made the seat of hostilities, it will be almost impossible for the best efforts of both par

From The Saturday Review, 8 June. AMERICAN INVECTIVES AGAINST ENGLAND.

EVEN in the history of American ill-breeding and injustice, no parallel can be found for the extravagant display of causeless hostility to England by politicians who claim to represent the feeling of the North. Not a shadow of provocation has been offered by the British Government, by the press, or by public speakers. The determination to maintain practical neutrality has not been accompanied by any indication of partiality to the cause of the seceders; yet diplomatists forget the decencies of their profession to brawl against a friendly country, and the American press seems unanimous in the desire to pick a quarrel which, if the project is not baffled by the contemptuous calmness of the offended states, will have originated as much in unprincipled cunning as in vulgar malignity. Mr. Seward is probably the author of the policy which is openly avowed by some of his adherents. It is thought that the South may be won back by the opportunity of concurring in a war against the unoffending foreigner; and if the proposed diversion is not unanimously approved, the difference of opinion may be attributed to a well-founded doubt whether Massachusetts may not be even more obnoxious than England to the leaders of the secession. Mr. Cassius M. Clay is somewhat premature in threatening England with an attack from the combined arms of America and France. His political allies on the other side of the Atlantic include France in their denunciations, while they boast, with perfect sincerity, of the cordial sympathy which they receive from the other despotic governments of Europe. somewhat audacious to remonstrate against the coldness of England, and in the same

It is

sentence to boast of the good-will which the possible seizure of an English vessel by was felt by the United States for Russia a Southern privateer. The demand that the during the Crimean war. No rashness of forces of an organized territorial governNorthern partisanship which might have ment should be treated as pirates could not been professed by England could have con- have been anticipated even in dealing with ciliated the rabid animosity of American American Republicans. The New York demagogues. Any language of encourage- press, Mr. Clay, and the American correment and sympathy addressed to the Free spondent of the Times maintain in substance States would probably have been regarded that all insurgents are to be regarded as as a selfish incentive to that civil war which criminals beyond the pale of the law. The was almost universally deprecated by the precedent of their own successful rebellion friends of the Union until the commence- against England embarrasses them no more ment of the armaments at New York. Mr. than a logical confutation satisfies a child in Clay himself, after the bombardment of Fort a passion. As all demonstration is for the Sumter, and after the secession of Virginia, present thrown away, it only remains for the publicly recommended to his countrymen English Government to pursue its own course abject submission and acquiescence. Hav- without wasting time in verbal controversy. ing veered round with popular feeling, he Yet it is wonderful that Mr. Seward's recent now threatens England with a French inva- offer to abolish privateering can impose on sion as the penalty for refusing to assist in the understanding of the deafest and noisiest the subjugation of the South. With equal partisan. Mr. Pierce's government delibergood sense and good temper Mr. Clay holds ately refused to concur in the proposals out as a further menace the possible aboli- adopted at Paris, except on a condition, in tion of slavery in the course of the struggle. itself not unjust, which, however, was not The insinuation that the unanimous convic-accepted by England-whereupon Mr. Butions of Englishmen are notoriously hypo- chanan formally withdrew the offer of his critical, is worthy of the nation which has predecessor. Both Mr. Marcy and General systematically thwarted all measures for the Cass avowed that it was their object to suppression of the slave trade itself. No retain the right of employing privateers in powerful government has ever borne from any future war with England. Mr. Sewanother such insolence and bad feeling as ard finding himself unexpectedly engaged that which the exigencies of popularity have in a contest of a different character, now induced successive presidents and secreta- affects to treat the proposals of 1856 as an ries of state to exhibit towards England. open negotiation, only requiring the assent The only reply in the present instance, as of the United States. It is evident that on many former occasions, will consist in a the discussion was terminated by Mr. Bu, practical abstinence from offence and from chanan, nor is the English Government retaliation. in any way bound by its former offer. Even if privateering were abolished, Mr. Jefferson Davis might insure respect for his flag by substituting regular commissions for letters of marque. Every belligerent has a right to take into his service any number of vessels belonging to private owners.

Lord John Russell announced, in conformity with common sense and with international law, that the belligerent rights of both parties in the civil war would be recognized by England. He has since declared that the government, in the exercise of its discretion, will close the ports of the empire There seems to be no immediate probato cruisers and privateers who might seek bility of a collision between the hostile arto bring prizes into English waters. The mies. In the South, the Confederate troops decision is highly favorable to the interests have succeeded in shutting out Fort Pickof the United States, as the Southern Con- ens from relief by sea, and the surrender federation has no commercial marine to be of the fortress must sooner or later ensue. seized or condemned, nor have its privateers On the Virginia frontier, General Scott has any open ports of their own to which they occupied Alexandria without resistance, can resort with their prizes. It may be pru- and the movement is only worthy of notice dent and justifiable, even at the risk of fa- from the proof which it affords of the savvoring one of the belligerents, to keep the age character of the civil war. The colonel maritime war at a distance from England of the United States troops was assassiand its dependencies; but it must be re-nated in a house which he had entered, and membered that the only voluntary measure the troops afterwards shot some "leadof the Government confers a great benefit ing secessionists" in cold blood. It is peron the United States. The previous deci-haps more remarkable that their exploit sion that the Confederate flag should be should be reported by a newspaper correrespected could neither be avoided nor post- spondent without a word of surprise or disponed for it was necessary to provide for approval. The present garrison of Wash

From The Saturday Review, 8 June. INTERNATIONAL LAW IN AMERICA.

ington appears to consist of about 20,000 to coerce the seceders. The opinion which men, and the entire force in the neighbor- has caused so much gratuitous indignation hood, constituting the army of operations, in the North consists only in the proposition may perhaps include double the number. that, although the seceders may be rebels The seceders are said to be occupying Har- and traitors, they have nevertheless undeper's Ferry in force, but their organization niably seceded. and plans are altogether unknown. It can scarcely be doubted that Mr. Jefferson Davis will be able, on his own soil, to oppose equal or superior numbers to any invading army; and if the estimate of his character which is formed even by his adversaries has any foundation, he will scarcely be intimidated by the tempest of braggadocio which accompanies or precedes the movements of the North. The Confederate States, may, however, not improbably lose some portion of the territory which they claim for their own. Western Virginia will declare for the Union as soon as the army is ready to protect it. Kentucky professes neutrality, or, in other words, internal division; and the notorious General Harney has negotiated, on behalf of the Federal Government, a kind of armistice with Missouri. Confident expectations are entertained that, even in the extreme South, the Union party will regain the ascendency if the seceders are defeated in the field. On the other hand, it is not improbable that an opposite tendency may display itself in the neutral Border States if the Federal troops continue to indulge themselves in the pastime of shooting leading secessionists.

IT appears that about a week after President Lincoln had issued his summons to arms, Mr. Seward sent despatches to the representatives of the United States in Europe, instructing them to inform the courts to which they were accredited that the States accepted the code of maritime law which was sanctioned by the Treaty of Paris. This is represented by the friends of Mr. Seward as a very natural consequence of a change in the American Government. When the States were invited to accede to the general decision of Europe, and thus settle forever a vast number of the most vexed and dangerous questions of international law, President Pierce was in office, and Mr. Jefferson Davis was a member of his Cabinet. Now times. are changed. The statesmen of the North are in power, and the mistakes of Southerners are to be corrected. We cannot, however, forget that the refusal of Mr. Marcy to accept the code of the Treaty of Paris was received with a singular unanimity of applause throughout the whole of the States, It requires all the impudence of a stump and that the cleverness with which the Caborator to exaggerate the contest into a gi- inet had seen through the wiles of the Britgantic war, and at the same time to insist isher and refused a concession peculiarly that there is no belligerent on the other side. convenient to England, was considered quite Englishmen cannot shut their eyes to the as creditable at New York as at New Orfact that the Confederated States are larger leans. There is, too, no attempt to disguise and more populous than the thirteen colo- that this sudden affection of Mr. Seward for nies of 1776, nor can they fail to observe the rights of neutrals was dictated by a wish that the resistance is directed by leaders to cut off from the South the resource which whom the Union itself has long accredited privateering offers to the weaker party in a as statesmen. Mr. Jefferson Davis was a maritime contest. It was hailed as a masmember of a Federal Cabinet. Mr. Ste- terstroke of policy by all the supporters of phens and Mr. Cobb were regarded as prin- the Cabinet, and the readers of the Northern cipal members of the party which had ruled press were assured that this sudden and subthe United States for a generation. Com- tle stroke of policy had in a manner checkmodore Tatnall has higher claims on Eng-mated Europe, and prevented all nations on lish regard than any officer in the Northern this side of the Atlantic from countenancing navy. Captain Maury's name is better known the piratical audacity of Mr. Jefferson Davis in Europe than that of any other American in threatening to issue letters of marque. In seaman. No prejudice, however, against a day or two, however, it seems to have M.. Cushing of the enlistment prosecution, or General Harney of San Juan, ought to encourage a hasty conclusion that the South is as deserving of sympathy as the North. The presumption is always in favor of an established government, and Mr. Seward, although his language to England is culpable and offensive, is nevertheless fully justified in putting out the whole power of the Union

dawned even on the conductors of American newspapers that what Mr. Seward had done was to accept a distinct legal position entailing certain legal consequences, and that the states of Europe, far from thinking themselves either bribed, or injured, or checkmated, would simply examine what was the exact legal position which the United States had chosen to assume. Perhaps this can