but that we should get readily over them. That once accomplished, the path of those who followed us would be much easier. He clung, however, to the notion, that we should not need to come back, but that the Ruvumah would prove to be the best channel of communication with the interior. To act contrary to this advice, considering with what authority it was given, would have been a very daring thing. I felt I am also sure that the bishop and others of us feltthat we would give any thing if the doctor had said you can and ought to go up, despite what you will encounter; but, as he would not say that, and in my heart I believe he had good reason for not saying it, we could do nothing else but follow his advice. The sacrifice, and really it is a sacrifice, we have made of our own feelings, in doing this will secure Livingstone to us by stronger ties than would have been possible had we acted otherwise. And to have the hearty, living co-operation of such a man, in a country he had made his own, will be most invaluable to us. Had we gone up the Shire by way of Zambezi after his protest against our doing so, and any thing unusually painful had befallen us, friends at home might have said-without reason, perhaps,-but still they might and would have said :

to find. They deserve to work together: and, as eye meets eye, you can see that their labor has been to them, in more senses than one, a real labor of love. Still, it seemed to the bishop, to Scudamore, to me, and to Captain Oldfield also, that the difficulties alluded to were scarcely greater than we had anticipated before coming out, and that the consequences of uncertainty and delay might really prove more injurious to us. The bishop put the peculiarity of our position as mere Christian missionaries very forcibly before Livingstone; spoke of us as having left active and useful labor in England, and how anxious we were not to lead any longer than was absolutely necessary the comparatively useless life forced upon us during the last four or five months; and, although he had unlimited confidence in all of us, expressed a fear that the uncertainty and delay might, despite ourselves, expose us to much that it were well to avoid-might really injuriously influence those who would otherwise follow us, and cause our friends at home much anxiety. Livingstone replied that he did not anticipate any ill consequences would result from the delay at the most it would be but a three months' delay. We need not all come up the Ruvumah. The greater part of us could stay at the Island of Johanna, one of the Comoros, a most healthy place, "Here, by the good Providence of God, where we could acquire the Makoa language, these people met with the only man on the the very language needed for our missionary face of the earth who was in a position to work, and where we could also make our-advise them for the best; in order to do this selves acquainted with the habits and tone he had travelled a thousand miles; he did of thought of the natives, and many other advise them, they rejected his advice; and things equally necessary for us to know. I their fall is only the natural result of their then asked Livingstone if it really was his presumption and folly.' deliberate opinion, that in going up to the Shire now, we should be exposing ourselves to more than ordinary risk, and a risk greater than he could sanction. He said it was. I then called his attention to the possibility, the probability, of the Ruvumah expedition not realizing all he hoped from it, and asked him, in that event, what course he would advise us to adopt. 'Come back to the Zambezi,' said he; it would then be the most healthy season of the year.' But I suggested that, even if that were so, other difficulties, upon his showing, still remained-the difficulties arising from the ill-will of the people in the valley of the Shire, and in the getting of our stores and baggage to the high lands. He replied that we should then be a stronger party, that he and his would be with us to help us, that we should have the benefit of their experience, not only in fever, but in all else; the Makololo with him could help us, and though the difficulties we should have to encounter would really be very great, still, it being the healthy season of the year, and, with our united efforts, he had little doubt

"We gave in to Livingstone-he pledging himself to fetch us from Johanna within three months, and to go with us up to the Nyassi district either by way of the Ruvumah or the Zambezi and Shire. It was arranged that the bishop and one other should accompany the expedition, and the bishop selected me for his companion.

"Details relative to the departure of the three ships were soon arranged. The Pioneer was to proceed at once to the Ruvumah, the Lyra, and the Sidon to Johanna. The Lyra was to be at Johanna first, where she should land our stores, and those of our party in her who would stay behind, and then run over to the Ruvumah with the bishop and myself, and coal and stores for the Pioneer. The Sidon would land the rest of our party, and the remainder of our stores at Johanna, and would also go over to the Ruvumah with coal for the future use of the Pioneer; and then we were to be left to our own resources."

The remainder of Mr. Rowley's letter de

scribes the voyage to Johanna, where the ing the natives to provide themselves by Lyra arrived Feb. 21, and gives an account their own labor with the European comforts of what the missionaries saw and did in now becoming day by day more desirable to them-unless we can convert them to that and other islands of the Comoro group. Christ-slavery must become as universal As these islands are tolerably well known, here as it was, and is on the western coast; however, by previous descriptions, the only there is no help for it. The British governother extract we shall make from Mr. ment is the only government in the world Rowley's letter is one referring less to them really in earnest about the suppression of than to the general anticipations and specu- the slave trade; yet, in order to avoid emlations of the missionaries respecting their broilment with other powers, the instructions African enterprise. supplied to our naval commanders are so ambiguously framed that efforts of our cruisers are really paralyzed-for, unless a man shrinks not from a responsibility which inaction is almost an impossibility. No less timidates men of ordinary calibre, successful then nineteen thousand slaves were exported last year from Zanzibar and Ibo. It is said, with what truth I can't say, that as many as six hundred vessels are employed in the slave of them can be no more than Arab dhows; trade on the eastern coast of Africa. Many but some are vessels of large tonnage, fitted, without regard to expense, with every aptenths of these vessels are American. To pliance for successful traffic; and ninekeep this fleet of the Devil in check we have some five or six cruisers, fettered and hampered by the before-mentioned instructions."

us.

"I used to think that we had been in too great a hurry to leave England-that it would have been better had we delayed our departure for some months. But circumstances have been so ordered that we appear to have come out at a happy moment. We may fail in the grand objects we have in view; humanly speaking, as I have before said, the chances are greatly against We have to contend against the power and reminiscences of ages of heathenism, and we have to fight against a principle which cupidity has made all but impregnable. Central and Eastern Africa are exciting great interest in the minds of more than one class of people at this present moment; and it seems more and more necessary, as we get better acquainted with the object, that an effort, somewhat different from what has been already made, should at once be made to raise the natives of these places to a higher standard of existence than they had at present obtained, before others, with motives less worthy, succeed in corrupting them irretrievably. Unless we, or those who will, I trust, follow us, succeed in persuad

The letter from which the above extracts are taken is dated "H. M. S. Lyra, Zaoudsi, Mayotte, Feb. 27, 1861." At that date, therefore, the missionaries were still among the Comoro Islands, waiting to return to the continent, and begin their labors according to the plan agreed upon between them and Dr. Livingstone.

SCREAMING FISHES.-"In the early part of December, I called upon a Quaker gentleman at Darlington, for whom I waited in a room in which stood a small aquarium, containing, along with the usual allotment of sea-anemones, starfishes, etc., five fishes not larger than minnows-fish'?" a species of blennies, as I was informed. After watching their motions for a few minutes, as they floated near the surface of the water, I MESSRS. ROUTLEDGE will publish immediately stooped down to examine them more nearly; the "Last Travels " of the celebrated Madame when, to my utter amazement, they simultaneously set up a shriek of terror so loud and piercing, that I sprang back as if I had been

| electrified. I think a human being could hardly have set up a louder or shriller scream than did these tiny inhabitants of the water. Have you the finny tribe, so striking an exception to the ever met with, or heard of, in any other case of truth of the common saying, 'As mute as a

Ida Pfeiffer, inclusive of a visit to Madagascar. It will also include a biography of the authoress, compiled from her own notes."

would have silently but cordially acquiesced in the determination, whatever may be said to the contrary.

From The Examiner, 15 June. ENGLAND AND AMERICA. WE are sorry that our kinsmen in America should misapprehend our meaning, when we But on the other hand, we must frankly say that we think it our duty to be neutral in own that when for the sake of accord with their present quarrel. It is one thing to be France, - an accord of paramount imporneutral, it is another thing to be indifferent. tance to the interests of humanity and civiliNeutrality is often the duty of a Government, zation in the matter, - Lord Palmerston's where indifference would be in the highest Cabinet decided upon taking a line of vigorsense unworthy of a people. In the present ous and absolute neutrality, no active senticase our Government, acting in unison with ment could be appealed to on either side of that of France, has resolved to show no ac- the channel, sufficiently strong to cause any tive partiality to either party; to allow its immediate modification of that decision. It subjects to enlist under the banners of neither; is far better to be outspoken with friends, and to treat the ships of both as belonging with whom we wish permanently to live in to belligerents with whom it has no feud. amity and confidence; and in the present inAnother course was indeed open to it. It stance we shall be so even at the risk of causmight have ignored the domestic schism alto- ing momentary pain. Ten years ago, the gether; held the Government of Washington Government of Washington need not have responsible for all acts done by the privateers appealed to our remembrance of common of the South as much as if no secession had origin and long-subsisting friendship for deever taken place; and thus lent more than monstrative sympathy on the part of Engits moral support to the Federal Union. Had land, against deserters from its rule, and France agreed upon this line of policy there disturbers of its sway. Nor do we believe would have been much to recommend it, and that in France, under any régime, there the people of this country would certainly would have been much less disposition to not have complained. For all their moral show a prompt solicitude for the reduction and political sympathies are with the Union of its domestic foes. But the conduct of the rather than with the Confederacy; and as American executive, unrebuked and unrepufor the supply of cotton, and the new pro-diated by the American people during the hibited duties under the Morrill tariff, we Russian war, has caused the zeal of many to suspect that these matters will settle them- wax cold. This is not the time to dwell upon selves somehow, no matter how the fight goes. the topic, or to speak bitter words. We If the cotton crop be gathered and made should be the last to tolerate the idea of naready for transport during the coming au- tional resentment being kept alive on account tumn, there will be too many people wanting of an abortive effort to inflict unwanton and to sell it, and too many people wanting to buy unworthy wrong upon an old ally, in an hour it, too many railways ready to bring it to New of supposed exigency. The ostentatious symYork, and too many clippers ready to take pathy shown for the cause of Cossack aggrestheir chance of running it from New Or- sion in 1855, did harm to none but those who leans, to prevent the mills of Manchester manifested it. It did not damp the priming and Rouen from being stopped for want of of a single gun at Sebastopol, or save a single supply. The Morrill tariff has not been six victim of impressment by the czar from a months in operation and it is already found Crimean grave. At the time it bore no fruit to be a failure for revenue, and a fraud upon whatever, either to friends or foes; but in those who were hurried into sanctioning it. due course of nature it came to a miserable It is not when a community are for the first maturity; and such as it is, America can time submitting to pay heavy war contribu- hardly be surprised if she reaps as she has tions for the purpose of reducing to insol- sown. It is but the inexorable law of jusvency myriads of their best customers that tice which asserts itself in unlooked-for modes they are likely to endure artificial prices cre- and ways; and which, in the unlooked-for day ated for the benefit of a handful of capital- of trouble, brings home conviction to the ists amongst themselves. The Morrill tariff minds of those who in arrogance of seeming was always regarded on this side of the sea security, have unworthily wounded and alienas a mere political manœuvre, not a change ated old friends. No public man or influenof commercial policy. We know that as an tial journal that we are aware of uttered a absurdity it cannot last, and it therefore en- syllable during the last three months in this ters little if at all into the sum of national country calculated to encourage a retaliatory motives and considerations. If the Govern- course of policy on the part of our Governments of France and England, therefore, had ment, or that of France; and save from the determined to disregard altogether the schis- lips of Tories in Parliament, or in diplomacy, matic proceedings of the Southern States, we do not believe that any observation would public opinion in this country, we repeat it, have been heard had a line been followed,

Gulf of Mexico. But if this be impossible, and if two Confederacies are destined to be born of the death of one, we shall not presume to question the inevitable. Our first wish is for reunion in peace; our next for the briefest possible duration of an unhappy war.

From The Spectator, 15 June.

indicating entire forgetfulness of the part taken by America during the Crimean war. But it would be affectation to deny that the instincts of imperial France, are less calculated to check such recollections than those of constitutional England; and that unfortunately when recalled in consultation between the two Governments, it was impossible for ours to pretend to think that the old enthusiasm and confidence once felt amongst us for THE CAUSES OF AMERICAN BITTERNESS. our political progeny beyond the ocean would THE feeling towards England in the lead us to sever our course from that of Northern States seems to increase in bitFrance, on merely sentimental grounds. No terness. The proclamation of neutrality is nation is so great that it can lightly discard regarded as a quasi-recognition of the South, present allies to maintain the good humor of and, though admitted to be legal, is deassociates, who upon the last opportunity nounced as an official surrender of the prinopenly exulted in her supposed misfortunes. ciples of freedom. Mr. Gregory's motion, There is besides a great practical good ob- which elicited only four cheers in the House tained, by the identity of the course taken by of Commons, and was silenced before it had France and England regarding blockade and been withdrawn, is regarded as a quasi-offiprivateers. The rest of Christendom will be cial act, presaging open alliance with the compelled to do the like, which is a great South. England is taunted with servility point of maritime civilization gained. Check to cotton, with false pretences of liberality, is thus given to the possible profit of priva- and with a wicked delight in the suffering teering, and a considerable step taken towards of the States. She is menaced with the the ultimate abolition of that detestable practice. But here again let us ask whose fault is it that European powers have had occasion in 1861, to consider what should be done about prizes made or injuries inflicted by privateers on the high seas? All Europe agreed to abolish the barbarous system at the Conference of Paris in 1856; but the Cabinet of Washington alone refused to concur, and the Congress of the United States confirmed its refusal. Already both have learned in the hour of adversity the wisdom of being magnanimous and just, which in the day of prosperity they would not see. But what nation has not had to learn and unlearn much in a similar way? And who is there that has really a heart for the progress of his country or his kind who does not cordially rejoice over one nation that repenteth, more than over those who having been placed, perhaps, less in the way of temptation, have had nothing to repent.

future vengeance of the North, the stoppage of her supply of cotton, the ruin of her trade, the assistance of America in the next rebellion of the Irish. This virulence is not confined to the New York press or to those American Irish who do so much to interrupt the friendship which steady commercial intercourse must produce. The irritation is as unreasonable in Philadelphia as New York, among the politicians at Washington as in the "literary" circles of Massachusetts. It will be increased by the sudden resolution to despatch troops to Canada, a decision which, though dictated by the plainest necessity, will be accepted by the irritable jealousy of the North as a menace against themselves. The colony, since the Crimean war, has been almost denuded of troops, and in restoring our strength to its old level, we do but provide against the weakness which tempts irregular assaults. The act, however, is not likely to be fairly judged, and We have thus spoken without reserve, and despite the similar policy adopted by Napowe hope without offence, on a most painful leon, and the warm sympathy expressed by subject; and we hope sincerely to have done Lord John Russell with the Union, we must with it forever. We have thought it a duty expect the continuance of attacks as irritatto do so, for to turn one's eyes from a wound ing to our sense of justice as to our national will not heal it, and if it be not washed, how pride. The Americans are, for the moment, shall it ever be clean? But again and again transported beyond the influence of common we reiterate the declaration to our kinsfolk in sense; and seem blind to the most patent America, that Englishmen desire only to see signs of political opinion. With all Engthem prosperous, powerful, and at peace land sympathizing, more or less heartily among themselves. If the old established with the North, they persist in regarding Government of the United States is strong her as a covert enemy, and seem positively enough to reclaim its fugitive states, the anxious to change an ally, who happens to Government and people of this country will be quiescent, into an open and most danbe glad to learn the re-assertion of its popu- gerous foe. lar sovereignty from the St. Lawrence to the

It is perhaps expedient, before national

irritation overcomes English reason, to inquire whether there is any justification, or that failing, any palliation for these outbursts of arrogant bad taste. Justification in its full sense it would, we at once admit, be impossible to find. The British Government has as yet done no one act intended to increase the resources of the South. The proclamation of neutrality does, indeed, arrest Canadian assistance, and perhaps gives the South a standing which rebels do not ordinarily enjoy, but no other course short of alliance with the North could possibly have involved less advantage to the slaveowners. Had the whole matter been suffered to sleep, without official action of any kind, the South might have secured in our ports the privateers with whom the Northern navy can dispense. Avowed alliance with the North, on the other hand, would have been contrary to our steady policy of non-intervention between rulers and their subjects, and a slur on the competence of the Union to maintain its own integrity. The North can hold its own, and our clear duty was to avoid embittering the contest by interference in either direction. In a calmer moment Americans will, we believe, recognize this as the only course open to England to pursue.

ters condemning all European politicians There is want of courtesy in this manifestation, and perhaps want of judgment too, but a friendly nation may well do what a private friend would attempt - wait calmly until, with the calamity, the spasm of suspicion has passed by. The aggressive pride of the hour is not the result of deliberate thought, but an instinctive movement of self-defence against an attack anticipated, though only in imagination. It may be annoying, as it is certainly impolitic, but impertinence does not justify the sufferer in abandoning a principle.

Another and even stronger palliation is to be found in the acute sense entertained by every American of the importance of European aid. The Southerners, owing apparently to some personal relations with the diplomatists at Washington, are persuaded that Europe is already favorable to their cause. The cotton crop, they argue, must be imported, and as the season draws near the blockades will be broken, and the war reduced at once to an invasion by land alone. The North, on the other hand, believing itself able utterly to crush the mutineers, still holds that the speedy issue of the contest depends on the blockades. If the South can continue to sell cotton unrestricted, she will have funds for a succession of campaigns. The case would be still worse were England the active ally of the South-and this is the secret fear of every American-for the blockade would then be extended to the North, and the South supplied with those munitions, the want of which will speedily close the war. Deceived by the diplomatic tone our parliamentary leaders habitually adopt, the Northern orators evidently believe England at heart strongly with the South, and knowing well how tremendous a power their old ally can, if necessary, exert, look forward with dismay to the protraction of the war. So strong is the impression of the effect English hostility would produce, that the secret secessionists of the North earnestly pray for interference, as the one event which would produce the possibility of compromise. The Northerners, hating the idea of compromise, are frantic at the thought of a compromise produced by pressure from without. The stake is too great for men to be altoThey feel as the English felt

But while there can be no justification there may be many palliations for the present American tone. A proud race, with their vanity full fed by an uninterrupted career of political success, the Americans have been taught to regard themselves as the strongest of existing powers, as abstaining from dominance only because the Old World was scarcely worth the trouble of interference. On a sudden the mighty State, of whose prestige every American was so proud, falls helplessly in two, threatening to crumble into fragments yet more minute. The strongest section, feeling keenly that the disaster is but temporary, that its resources suffice either to compel reunion or commence anew the career of development, indignantly denies that its position has been changed. Like a banker during a run, who knows that appearances are against him, but knows also that he is solvent, the North examines every friendly face for the coldness it expects, but is none the less determined to chastise. In such a temper every incident, however gether calm. slight, is sure to be interpreted as indicating when Louis XIV. acknowledged the Predesign. Every failure of respect betokens tender; and however unjust their appretriumph; ; every offer of assistance sarcastic hension, it is dictated by a feeling which pity. It is because America may be sup- Englishmen in other cases are the last to posed weak that the American diplomatists reprehend. exchange hauteur for arrogance, that Mr. Lincoln threatens to chastise interference, that Mr. Seward writes to Mr. Dayton let

But the last, and in our eyes, the best palliation of their tone is to be sought in this. The conscience of the North is satisfied with