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its cause. Feeling always that the struggle,

From The Saturday Review, 15 June. whatever its nominal object, is really for

AMERICA. right against wrong, freedom against slav- THE extraordinary and irrational indignaery, constitutionalism against military power, tion of the Northern Americans against Engthey cannot imagine why men, free like them- land is the more melancholy because it is, in selves, should hesitate to aid the cause to a certain sense, sincere. It is easy to unwhich they profess devotion. Forgetting derstand that New York journalists may the endless coil of Federal rights and State only wish to flatter and to excite the mopretensions, Acts of Congress, and election mentary passions of the unthinking multitude legalities, in which they themselves have en- which they address ; but the correspondents meshed the great issue really involved, they of the London papers, who may be supposed expect, on the plain ground of morality, the not to expect sympathy from readers on this sympathy they have done nothing to secure. side of the Atlantic, almost unanimously England, they say, “ professes to hate slay- adopt the insolent language of their noisy ery; our war is against slavery; unless, and unreasonable countrymen. The people therefore, her hate be hypocritical, England of England are assured that no future exis with us." The first postulate is correct, pressions or proofs of good-will can ever and the deduction one every Englishman will obliterate the resentment which has been draw; but the second remains, up to this produced by the neutrality of their Governhour, only a hope or an assumption. Let ment between the Northern and Southern the North once distinctly proclaim that is- States. They are reminded that the United sue, declare that the object of the war is the States neither recognized the belligerent extinction of slavery, that no peace is possi- rights of the Sepoy mutineers, nor armed ble which shall leave slavery in existence, privateers under Russian letters of marque and in the unanimous response of English- to plunder the commerce of England. It is men even the dread of a cotton famine will useless to answer that America might as be removed. The better Americans believe well have interfered with a civil war in the that this issue is stated, that the death-throe moon as with the remote contest at Delhi or of slavery is drawing nigh, and so believing, Lucknow. . On the other hand, a privateer they look on our lukewarmness as treachery, from Mobile or New Orleans may at any not only to them but to humanity. It is, moment overhaul an English merchantman, consequently, from the very best and calm- and it was necessary that naval officers and est Americans, from Boston rather than New consuls should know whether such an act York, that the most earnest denunciation would be legal or piratical according to the

The feeling is the more bitter be- laws of England. If the Confederate flag had cause our statesmen, true to their dread of been treated as non-existent, any attack on al) enthusiasm, persist in talking only of the English commerce under the authority which material interests involved. Fellowship with it represents must have been treated either a slave-owner is more impossible to Lord as piracy or as a ground for demanding reJohn Russell than to Mr. Seward ; yet the dress from the United States. It is not too Foreign Secretary, questioned as to his pol- much to såy that the Government of Washicy, would talk of Northern wheat, and quote ington would have resented as an injury to tables about the cotton of the Confederacy. itself any act of hostility against the secedHe would meet famine and short time to ers, whom it still claims as citizens of the gether sooner than check the emancipation Union. The shameful and causeless vioof the slave; but till the hour for action lence of the popular feeling would have been comes he will talk like Mr. Gregory, as if more excusable under almost any circumEngland had not an aspiration beyond cheap stances than on the pretext of the timely calicoes. Americans cannot understand this and prudent proclamation which was issued reticence. Secure of their own motives, they for the guidance of English subjects. The forget that those motives are not visible to claims which are founded on the conduct of the world, and hate with the virulence of America during the Russian war display an sincere Puritans who believe Christianity at- obtuse audacity which it is difficult to chartacked. There is no violence like that shown acterize. It is true that the United States did by a man whose interests and whose princi- not necessitate, by the employment of priraples tend to the same end, whose present and teers, an immediate declaration of war by future are equally at stake.

England; but all the sympathy of all their This is not an emotion which Englishmen, political parties was ostentatiously given to however they may regret the action it in- Russia. Individual Americans sometimes volves, can heartily contemn.

assert that the unfriendly policy of their suc

comes.

cessive Governments really proceeded from and their consolidation into a new Conthe animosity of the Southern States to Eng- federacy. The crime of England is that an land ; yet the feeling of the country and the opinion which was universal in America two acts of the Legislature have been doubly hos- months ago has not been abandoned in defertile since the North has been left to itself. ence to the sudden gyration of Northern The Morrill tariff was principally aimed at feeling. The United States officers still recEnglish commerce; and Mr. Seward, in re- ognize their adversaries as open enemies, peatedly threatening a future attack on Can- and whenever they can control their troops ada, has only continued the course which, they will undoubtedly conduct hostilities acin common with his party, he has long pur- cording to the laws of war. It is only when sued in the United States Senate.

the Confederate flag comes in collision with The ostensible charge against England neutrals that belligerents are suddenly reconsists in the reiterated assertion that the duced to the condition of pirates. position of the seceding states has been The Southern officers of the army and altogether mistaken. The journalists and navy have, almost without exception, prestump-orators who have spent their lives in ferred their State allegiance to their duties glorifying the original rebellion against the to the Union. The magistrates, the corpormother country, complain that rebels—or, if ations, the local legislatures, and all other the phrase is preferred, traitors are mis- visible authorities, have unanimously cast taken for genuine belligerents. The reflec- in their lot with the Confederacy in which tion that a civil war is, after all, a war, seems they were placed. The right or claim which to be too recondite for politicians intoxicated they are enforcing has been uniformly vinwith vanity and singularly deficient in that dicated by the Democrats of the North, and self-respect which is closely connected with yet it is pretended that the united South is tolerance and justice. The English Govern- but a nest of exceptional traitors. The unment and nation have not attempted to paralleled levity with which public opinion justify the secession, nor has the future rec- has veered round still throws considerable ognition of the Southern Union been inti- doubt on the serious character of the war. mated as probable, although it may easily be all dispassionate spectators perceive that foreseen. The rebellion which requires all the complete success of the Northern Govthe power of the United States to resist cer- ernment is impossible, and many causes will tainly partakes of the nature of a civil war. tend to abate the excitement which has reThe possession by the revolutionary govern- cently blinded the people and their leaders. ment of a territory larger than France may not A war can only be conducted in definite perhaps justify the secession, or even augur places for assignable purposes, and a cam. its ultimate success, but it would be absurd paign must have a tangible object as well for England to treat a Federation of ten or as a motive or provocation. General Scott's eleven organized states as a knot of individ- movements are perfectly intelligible as long ual rebels. If the Northern Americans con- as he protects Washington and covers the tinue to change their opinions with their re- friendly district of Western Virginia. It is cent rapidity, it is by no means improbable also possible that he may wish to recover that within a twelvemonth Mr. Lincoln may the Federal navy-yard at Norfolk, or even recognize his rival at Montgomery, even if to punish the enemy by occupying for a time his Secretary of State does not invite Mr. the state capital at Richmond. In KenJefferson Davis to join in a war against Eng. tucky and Missouri there is a Unionist party land. The Democrats who have governed to support, and generally it may be assumed the United States for the last twenty years that those parts of the Border which are cannot be wholly extinct, either in their unsuited to slave labor will probably be repersons or their opinions. Mr. Buchanan, claimed by the Union. On the other hand, who was their nominee and one of their lead- a march into the heart of the Gulf States ers, as official representative of the United would be as purposeless as it would probably States treated the leaders of the secession be ruinous." Mr. Jefferson Davis, knowing with studied deference and courtesy. His his inferiority in men and money, will not Republican successor, for some months after seek defeat by advancing to the North, and his election, abstained from pledging himself in his proper territory he is invincible, or to coercion, and Mr. Seward protested in the rather he is safe from attack. strongest language against all attempts to There are still stronger reasons against a subjugate the South. Nothing has changed war on a great scale, inasmuch as it can only except the volatile mind of the excitable mul- be carried on with a great standing army. titude ; for the ludicrous transaction at Fort It is easier to bluster about half a million Sumter is a far less valid cause of war than of men than to feed and pay 100,000. The the formal secession of the Southern States people of the United States are little accustomed to taxes, nor will it be easy to incur henceforth conciliated by concessions such a large debt which would be repudiated as as those which were scornfully rejected when soon as it became neeessary to provide for they were eagerly put forth by the Republithe interest. If the sacrifice were under- i cans. The formal recognition of slavery, gone, the Republic would have provided it- fugitive slave-laws, pledges of perpetual self with a master, in the form of an alien non-interference with the institution, might body of veteran mercenaries. The rank and have been extorted in profusion from the file of the regular army will be Irish, with, terrors of the North if the secession had not perhaps, an admixture of Germans; and, as been deliberately preferred to any form of Americans are well aware, no race is either compromise. From first to last, the friends braver or more indifferent to constitutional of the Union have misunderstood their poforms. If the South were conquered, the sition and their prospects ; nor is there the army could not be disbanded; for it would smallest reason to adopt with implicit faith be necessary to retain the seceders by force the views which they unanimously repudiwithin the Union which reclaimed them. ated until the whole country was absorbed The most sanguine Northern politician can by a sudden paroxysm of indignation. scarcely believe that the slave-owners will be

A Curious COLLECTION.-A young amateur | Hurt: for they warmed the Zeal of some People archæologist named Forglais has spent twelve so much, that they fasted more devoutly, and years in forming a collection of objects found in prayed with more Fervency on the 30th of Janthe bed of the river by whose means Paris is al- uary, than they did on Good Friday : and that

some People paid greater Devotion to the Day ways hoping to become a seaport ; and in virtue whereon King Charles was beheaded, than they of whose waters it has, from immemorial times, did to that on which Christ was crucified; and, adopted a ship as its armorial bearings. Among if they had Power, would compel all to be as the four thousand relics of all periods got to devout as themselves, or knock them on the gether by M. Forglais are rings, ivories, medals, Head. What is this (said hie] but fasting for Gallic and other coins, a beautiful Roman lance, Strife and Debate, and smiting with the Fist of a curious sword, believed to be that of Cape-Wickedness?' I questioned my Companion luche, weapons and implements, and curiosities' whether he thought this Parson was a Whig or a of every kind. The emperor visited this singular Tory? For my own Part, I could not think he collection before leaving lower Fontainebleau, came there with proper Principles for Church and expressed his wish that it should not be Preferment.” Pp. 5, 6. scattered, but should form part of the omnium Is the picture still in existence ? gatherum of the Hotel de Cheny, devoted to the preservation of all manner of antiquities.

IMPROVEMENTS IN Paris.—The injurious

effects of the destruction of the trees on the hills HIEROGLYPHICAL Picture OF CHARLES in the south of France have determined the gov. TIE MARTYR.-I extract the following from a ernment to undertake their replanting with a small work (pages 69) published at Newcastle species of bamboo found by the French expediupon Tyne, in 1757, entitled, Four Topographi- tion in Cochin-China, and from which great cal Letters, written in July, 1755, etc., etc. The things are expected in the prevention both of writer is speaking of his visit to Leicester :

draughts and inundations, and in the arrest of

the denudation of their slopes, from which the “ The Great Church being open for Prayers, soil is now rapidly being washed away. The we went in, but found nothing remarkable there, question of supplying Paris with the pure water except the Picture of Charles the Martyr, sur- so urgently needed, in place of the horribly rounded with Hieroglyphics (sic); such as tramp- dirty water of the Seine and the unwholesome liny on carthly Crowns and Sceptres, and reach- springs which now supply the city, is again being at a Crown of Glory, which an Angel is ing earnestly studied by the city architects, much holding out; near him is a Palm Tree, with Dr. of the unhealthiness of a permanent residence Dalby's Motto-Crescit sub pondere! A plain here being now admitted to be due to the imhonest-looking Clergyman who was viewing it, purity, as well as the extreme hardness, of the told me, he thought such Pictures did great water of the Seine.

No. 895.—27 July, 1861.

CONTENTS.

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1. The Classic Land of Suicide,
2. Horæ Subsecivæ. Second Series,
3. The Last Lewises,
4. Buckle's History of Civilization. voi.

2,
5. Insanity and Eccentricity, .
6. The Nerves of London, .
7. Science and Arts for May,
8. Portrait of a Brave Scotchman,
9. The Rev. Dr. Breckenridge on the State of the

Country, 10. Military Resources of the South, 11. Southern Cotton-Can it get out ? 12. America, 13. Napoleon in Italy, 14. A little Common Sense applied to the American

Question, 15. The Day's Duty,

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POETRY. - Rabelais, 194. My Christian Name, 194. The Old Couple, 256. DayDreams, 256.

SHORT ARTICLES. - M. Vogel, the African Traveller, 205. Zoological Gardens, 215. Indignation of Oireland, 221. [This reminds one of a land near at home.] Black and White Laborers, 124. Death of Charlotte Bronte's Father, 232. Squirto Gentil, 232. [Can we not have Turkish Baths in our large cities ?] Division of Labor, 246. Seventh Volume of “ Documents and Correspondence,” 255.

NEW BOOKS. Lloyd's MILITARY CAMPAIGN CAART. Arranged by Robert L. Viele and Charles Haskins,

Military Engineers. With a Glossary of War Terms, a Table of Distances, and a Steel Portrait of Gen. Scott. H. H. Lloyd and Co., New York; B. B. Russell, Boston.

PUBLISHED EVERY SATURDAY BY LIT TELL, SON, & CO., BOSTON.

For Six Dollars a year, in advance, remitted directly to the Publishers, the LIVING Age will be punctually forwarded free of postage.

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ror;

RABELAIS.

Peace to his manes-let them wander where Our noblest souls, disguised in motley coats,

No moonsick lad may bránd them in a son.

net; Have helped, unrecognized, to cleanse our altars,

That good old garb of his is yet in wear, Fulfilling what humanity denotes

And teachers now and then are wise to don it; The mission of our preachers and our

I think a preacher drolly dressed and shabbily, psalters

Came down in goodman Rabelais, Fitting their features to the popular tace's,

And damaged Mrs. Grundy's Sunday bonnet ! Ephemeral grimaces,

Our priests and teachers come disguised to earth While mocking Dagon till he fails and falters.

They meet us where we little hope to find

them; One came while France was building over To. We know not, till they pass, and leave a dearth phet's

The benediction they must leave behind them Foul gulf, and mocked her in the mad erec- Motley's the only wear to catch the many; tion;

The jester and the Zany He broke the brittle bones of little prophets,

Must clear our visions from the motes that blind The emblems of a retrogade perfection ;

them.

- Welcome Guest. Yet wore, while baffling all the arts of Comus, The cap and bells of Momus,

MY CHRISTIAN NAME. Torn trophies from the national collection !

My Christian name—my Christian name,

I never hear it now; The gaping burghers grinned bencath the plat- None have the right to utter it; form,

"Tis lost-I know not how; Whercon in jester's garb he mocked at error, My worldly name the world speaks loud And dreaming not morality took that form,

Thank God for well-earned fame! They laughed at their own faces in his mir- But silence sits at my cold hearth,

I have no household name. Others there were, and many, when he hinted at

The rights and wrongs they squinted at, My Christian name—my Christian namo,
Tucked up their skirts and skipped away in ter-

It has no uncou:h sound;
My mother chose it out of those

In Bible pages found;
The Mrs. Grundy of those days, good woman,

Mother! whose accents made most sweet Laughed at the image of her own transgres- Dost thou yet whisper op in heaven,

What else I held in shame,
sors ;
The Church and blunt John Calvin found un- My poor lost Christian name?

Brothers and sisters, mockers oft
Relish in grinning with her prim confessors ; Of the quaint name I bore,
But underneath the jester's habit furnaced Would I could burst death's gates to hear
A brand of bitter earnest,

Some call it out once more !
The prophet's weapon and the intercessor's. One speaks it still-in written lines-

The last fraternal claim;
The jester, opening up his show of puppets, But the wide seas between us drown

Pulling the strings with loud gesticulation, Its sound-my Christian name!
Showed every well-clad sin that lifted up its

I had a dream for years. One voice
Venomous head against the helpless nation-

Might breathe this homely word Priests, monks, and statesmen, half a pope, As love breathes; I had swooned with joy some crowned heads,

Had I my name thus heard. French Cavaliers, French Roundheads,

Oh, dumb dumb lips; oh, crushed, crushed All caught their portion of his flagellation.

heart!

Oh, grief, past pride, past shame!
Poor Humbug quaked before his thrashing-flail, To die-10 die, and never hear
And sought to fence his blows with quip and Thee speak my Christian name!
quiddity,

God send thee bliss! God send me rest!
And Cant-now laughing and now turning

If thou with footsteps calm pale

Shouldst trace my bleeding feet. God make Forgot ber methodistical stolidity;

To thee each blood-drop-balm,
He played the burden of “The Good Time Peace to these pangs! Mother ! put forth
Coming,"

Thine elder, holier claim,
And half the world went mumming

And the first words I hear in Heaven Within the shadow of its own stupidity.

May be my Christian name.

Dıxah MULOCA.

ror.

common

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