ample. Behold an example and a proof: terror-will not tolerate revolutionary comVirginia asked her to meet her in counsel mittees will not tamely submit to injuries, to preserve the Union; meantime, Virginia insults, oppressions, or usurpations of any suddenly determined, before the appointed kind—and will not give up their loyalty to day of counsel, to destroy the Union. Ken- the American nation, or their place in the tucky having accepted. the former counsel American Union. The mass of the people and invitation, went on totally regardless of Kentucky sincerely desire the restoration of the subsequent madness-elected her of the entire Union; they strongly disapcommissioners without opposition, and by prove of the whole course of the secessionthe largest popular vote she ever gave to ists from the beginning; they believe, at the any proposition-and kept the appointed same time, that the whole South has had day. There is, in fact, but one internal great cause of dissatisfaction-and they do peril hanging over Kentucky. The execu- not feel free to take part in the war against tive power of the state, and the command of the Confederate States: nor will they take her military force, is in the hands of a gov-part against the Federal Government, which, ernor-having yet two years to serve who however they may disapprove of it, or its is totally out of sympathy with the great acts, they recognize as the representative mass of the people, and who has used the of the nation of which they are a loyal part, influence of his office, and all its power, in and the chief executive authority under that a direction, and towards an end, hateful to Constitution which is the supreme law. the bulk of those whose governor he is. If What they desire and propose, therefore, Mr. Magoffin was a loyal Union man, the is to take no part in this war; and by this whole internal difficulty of Kentucky would means, they intend-in the first place, to terminate in a week; unless the secession express the true state of their feelings; in minority should be mad enough to take up the second place, to occupy a position in arms, and call in Confederate troops; in which, as a mediator, they may, as soon and which case, of course, unless Kentucky as often as occasion offers, do all in their should instantly suppress them, she would power to restore peace and union, if that be become one of the theatres of the war. That possible; and in the third place, to preserve event may happen. It is believed by many themselves and their state from the horrors to be highly probable, under present circumstances. Situated as the state is, it is a contingency which is constantly impending; and to meet which, if it should happen, there is no way but by arms. The very plainest duty of the Union men in Kentucky, therefore, for months past, has been to arm and organize themselves, to the very last man, 7. Such we believe to be the existing state and in the most effectual manner, and in of opinion and affairs in Kentucky. With the shortest possible time. We desire, from regard to it, we will make but two general the bottom of our heart, that Governor remarks. The first is, that, in our judgment, Magoffin, and the party with which he acts, the state of opinion in Kentucky is chiefly may be content to guide their conduct by characterized by the public mind being torn law, and in obedience to the known will of by conflicting principles and passions, often the people of Kentucky; and that, by so working even in the same mind, in opposite doing, he may keep the calamities of war directions, and, as the general result, befrom desolating the state. But if he and getting a decided popular reluctance to any his party will not do this, or cannot do it violent measures, or any extreme courses, or upon both of which points there is deep and any irrecoverable step; but that the tenwide distrust in the public mind-then he dency of opinion has been constant and and they must take the responsibility of all rapid, in favor of the Union; and that, at that may follow. And he and they both every period, and especially at present, the well know, that the people of Kentucky will number of persons who would vote to take not submit to the despotism of the Confed- Kentucky out of the Union, is a comparaerate States-will not allow of a reign of tively small portion of the people-made

of a conflict which they did all they could to prevent, which they cannot engage in with a good-will, and which, in the divided state of opinion amongst her people, and by reason of her geographical position, would probably be ruinous to the state, by means of her becoming actively engaged in it.

dangerous by their violence, their activity, we never think seriously, without profound their organization, their being extensively astonishment and anguish; about which we armed, their good understanding with the have never written a line without attemptsecession leaders and military officers, and ing to exercise the severest rectitude, as if their sympathy with the chief executive and we were speaking in the face of another military authorities in the Commonwealth. generation. This civil war is a terrible porThe second remark we have to make is that tent. All civilized nations regard it with the same wise and lofty forbearance mani- horror; and posterity will be obliged to profested by the General Government towards nounce it an inconceivable outrage upon the Maryland, and we will add towards Mis- freedom, the morality, and the civilization souri-will be manifested, there is every of the present age. To what ends God, in reason to believe, towards Kentucky, in the his adorable Providence, has allowed it, and high but unusual position she has felt it to will conduct it, and use it-it behooves every be her duty to assume. In the case of Ken- one, who acknowledges there is a God, to tucky-and we may add Missouri-this con- ponder deeply and every one, who product of the President, which those states fesses to serve God, to search diligently. certain.y should applaud, and which would give them peace at once, if it were imitated by the Confederate Government, is extremely significant; as it seems to indicate that, in his opinion, the neutral and yet loyal position of these two great central states, may, in certain highly probable events of the war, be turned to great advantage, in that complete restoration of the Union, which the loyal citizens of both of those states ardently desire.

A few great truths seem to us transparently clear-and amongst them not one is more impressive, at the present moment, than that which we have attempted to illustrate in this paper. The American Nation ought to be preserved, and the American Union ought to be restored. This war ought to be conducted by the Nation-under the impression of that solemn necessitywhich, as far as we can judge, is shown to be attainable, alike by the indications of Divine Providence, and by all the circumstances upon which enlightened human judgments can be formed. If in these things we err, nothing will remain, but for the nation to bow its august head reverently before the known will of God, and the irresistible force of destiny. It has already redeemed itself from the ignominious fate to which the last Federal Administration had consigned it. Let its destruction bear some just proportion to the glory of its past life.

SIMPLICITY OF THE DIVISION OF LABOR. -Indulgent Husband. How is it you never do any work now? I don't think I have seen you with a needle and thread in your hands for weeks and weeks together.

Indolent Wife (lolling luxuriantly on the sofa). Yes, my dear, it is true; but there is no necessity for it, since you were kind enough to buy me that wonderful sewing-machine.

Indulgent Husband. By the by, who works that, I should like to know? I think I saw

you using it once, when first it was brought home, and that is all.

Indolent Wife, Oh! my dear, I get Jane, the nursery-maid, to attend to it. She rocks the cradle with one foot, and works the pedal with the other. I can assure you she is quite expert at it, and I really believe that the noise sends the baby to sleep. And, moreover, it gives me greater time to read.

[Takes up French novel, and is soon lost in the mysteries of the demimondane life.

-Punch.

From The Spectator, 22 June. THE MILITARY RESOURCES OF THE SOUTH.

ten that in war it is the weaker party which should commence the attack; that to stand purely on the defensive is to invite defeat. It begins to be clear that Englishmen have Above all, he has shown a want of discernover-estimated the military resources of the ment in his estimate of European diplomacy. South. Throughout the contest it has been He has reasoned like a half-educated man, assumed in England that North and South who thinks that to disbelieve in principle or were possessed of nearly equal capacity for enthusiasm, shows acumen and knowledge of war. The advantage in numbers, which be- the world. It is difficult to resist the impreslonged indisputably to the North, was sup- sion that Mr. Davis really relied on the interposed to be balanced by the superior discipline vention of Europe, really believed that cotton and energy of the South. The planters had was king, really acted on the certainty that furnished the Union with generals and states- all policy and all feeling would give way men, the mean whites offered inexhaustible under an unreasoning outburst of mercantile resources for an army, while the aristocratic alarm. His programme, accordingly, for raisconstitution of the Confederacy enabled the ing revenue is a monopoly of cotton, which, leaders to enforce a discipline not to be ex- he argues, Britain must buy; his answer to pected in the Union. This impression was the blockade is a decree prohibiting the exdeepened by the energy the South originally port of cotton except by sea. If this be his displayed, and the contrast presented by the real view, Mr. Davis is a shallow politician, single-hearted vigor of Mr. Jefferson Davis a man who does not understand that to rouse to the timid or treacherous vacillations of Mr. nations you must touch the imagination, that Buchanan. It was increased, too, by a dis- free races never fight heartily for a tariff, or trust of Northern statements, the disgust a trade. That the South contains able men "tall talking" is sure to engender in culti- it is impossible, with the past history of the vated minds. Thousands on this side of the Union before us, to deny. But the vulgarity water, who were confident in the ultimate which is the taint of the American intellect victory of the North, still expected to see has infected the planters as well as the shopWashington captured, and the tide of in- keepers, and clouds the judgment of Mr. vasion driven back towards the East. The Davis as completely as it baffles the shrewdrecent accounts from America dissipate many ness of Mr. Seward. of these delusions. It may be doubted whether the South possesses any advantages whatever —whether, indeed, it has the physical strength to yield. to guard its own territory for more than one short campaign. The statements in the New York journals may be taken for what they are worth, but the evidence of facts and of known correspondents of English journals points irresistibly to the same conclusionthe South is weaker in men, arms, and energy than England had believed it to be: :

2 The class of mean whites does not furnish the recruits it was so readily assumed The facts before us are still few, and too much obscured by prejudice to admit of a decisive opinion, but such as they are, their tendency is all one way. Except in Virginia, the South finds a scarcity of men. The ranks are filled with planters, men of substance and independence, who can create one army, but who, from the nature of things, can draw upon no reserve. 1. That unhesitating vigor which at first Everywhere Mr. Russell found the pridistinguished the South, and extorted an un- vates gentlemen of position. Everywhere willing admiration from its foes, disappeared he saw hulking fellows," who ought to with the event which roused the silent masses have been in the ranks, but preferred cursof the North. Since the fall of Fort Sumter, ing the North and "loafing "about the rumMr. Davis has done nothing which can add to shops. In New Orleans the meaner class are his reputation as a military chief. He missed only enlisted by impressment, and wherever his spring on Washington when the capital the actual numbers embodied have been aswas defended only by the Clay Guard. He certained, they are less than public rumor forgot the importance of Cairo, the key of had assigned. Thus the force under Genthe West, which at one time he might have eral Bragg, at Pensacola, is only three thouoccupied almost without a struggle. He sand men. failed altogether to rouse Maryland into active | Alexandria dwindled to Mr. Jackson, hotelhostility to the North. He lost the enormous advantage he might have gained by a rapid concentration of his troops towards the capital, at a time when the entire South, protected from invasion by its climate, formed an impregnable base of operations, and when the friends of the South were still strong in all but the Western States. He has forgot

The force which was to defend

keeper and patriot, and even the force at Harper's Ferry seems daily to grow less. The planters no doubt will make decent soldiers, though not very amenable to discipline; but a war such as this promises to become demands, for success, the adhesion of a nation. If the mean whites will fight only for money, the South, for a perma

nent contest, has only the resources of an erty, and the fugitives seem thoroughly faordinary and very weak administration. It miliar with the history and objects of the cannot hope, with its slender revenue, to struggle. An oppressed race keeps up a maintain an army of mercenaries on the communication from mouth to mouth far scale a war with the North and West will more secret than the telegraph, and almost undoubtedly require. Its only resource, as rapid. Finally, and worst for the South by its own programme, is half the cotton of all, there are signs of the growth of a new crop, and this will not be available in cash spirit in the ranks of the Northern force. till the summer of 1862. The gentry make "We are becoming abolitionists," writes a excellent volunteers, and for the first cam- non-commissioned officer, and the voluntary paign may prove most valuable troops, but adoption of the detested nickname is but one battle and sickness will speedily thin their evidence of the change. Nothing could exranks, and an aristocracy has never a re- ceed the hate of a Northern rowdy for a serve. This difficulty would not have im- slave, yet the Zouaves are liberating every peded their march into Mexico, where the slave they find, openly murmuring because army could have been fed by requisitions their officers are not more eager to "confisand paid out of the treasure still remaining cate enemies' property" in this form. Perin private hands, but the present war is haps no man in the North was more openly fought on the soldier's soil. The war, which an advocate for slavery than General Butler in the North is a war of the people, in the before the war. Even after the war he South seems only the war of the aristocracy. aided to suppress an émeute of the dark race, 3. The South, which had been plundering and openly told the governor who appointed the North since the accession of Mr. Pierce, him he should always pursue that course. was supposed to be fully armed. One guar- Yet, General Butler is the officer who deantee against rebellion in modern days, how-vised the scheme for declaring slaves conever, is the impossibility of extemporizing an arsenal. The guns ranged against Fort Pickens were small pieces, and the supply of shell scarcely sufficient for a day's bombardment. In Louisiana the soldiers are strictly ordered not to practise, for powder is a scarce article in the states. They have no means of manufacture, for they have no sulphur, and though sulphur is not a difficult article to smuggle, smuggling is difficult when the populace disapproves. Powder may possibly be imported from Mexico, and we have an impression the Mormons have found means to commence the manufacture, but a long land route will still leave the supply costly and insufficient. The magazines, too, lie of necessity at the mercy of the negroes, and the Southern boast of the trustworthiness of slaves is a boast merely. That it is a sincere one is possible enough. Old officers in India believed that the Sepoys loved them like fathers, and could scarcely be undeceived when the knife was at their throats. Many an officer committed suicide in despair at finding the theories of a lifetime based upon a lie. The slave is as capable a hypocrite as the Sepoy, and far more ready to risk the consequences of revolt. Already, every slave who can fly is flying. The Virginian proprietors talk bitterly of their pov

traband of war, a scheme which, as he knows, and the Government know, and the people feel assured that both know, implies ultimate enfranchisement. So strongly is this felt, that a Richmond planter manumitted all his fugitive slaves in order to spite their captors; a device baffled by the negroes who immediately hired themselves out to combatants for the North. As the intelligence of the decision spreads South, the stampede, as the Americans call it, will become more general, and the flight of the slaves is nearly as ruinous to the South as open insurrection.

With the mean whites declining to serve, powder short, and shell insufficient, the prestige of success completely lost, and the slaves aware that the battle involves their future, the military resouces of the South are barely equal to defence. The dream of conquest has been already abandoned, and we have yet to learn the effect of the expectation of defeat. The planters thought the victory sure, and have yet to prove that the élan which they, like all Southern races, display, is as strong against ill-success as the calm fortitude of their adversaries of the North. If the teaching of history has any value, the fire of the South will be burnt out before that of the North is fairly kindled to a flame.

ties."

Such an idea is neither reasonable nor

Part of an Article from The Economist, 22 June. the blockade. The South fancy that we SOUTHERN COTTON-CAN IT GET OUT? shall go to war in its aid, in conjunction WE have left ourselves no space to dwell with the French emperor, if only our supply on the third and last difficulty which Eng-of raw material is straitened and obstructed. land may experience from the civil confusion With this strange fancy in their minds, they in America: we mean the cotton difficulty. are not inclined to send us their cotton by And this is of the less importance, because occult and recondite means: they are not as the cotton crop of the year is for the most inclined to invent ingenious expedients for part fairly housed out of reach of danger, breaking the blockade. On the contrary, the inconvenience which we have to discuss they say, "Let the blockade be effectual; is a future and not a present one. Still, it the stricter the better; the sooner will it be is our duty to chronicle the varying aspects over; the sooner will rescue from Europe of so great a possible difficulty as they from reach us: the sooner will the strong hand of time to time present themselves. At the the Old Country' remove all our difficulpresent moment the aspect is perhaps more unfavorable than it has ever before been. The South says cotton sha. only leave the satisfactory. We know it to be raving, but South by one exit, and the North says cot- those who use it are in their senses and beton shall not leave the South by that exit. lieve it. It is certainly calamitous that one The one says there shall be a single and combatant should be very anxious to preexclusive road, and the other says nothing vent our having their cotton, and that the shall pass along that road. The South, by other combatant should not be very anxious an enactment which we elsewhere print, de- that we should have it. We have the strongclares that it shall not be lawful to "export est faith in the economical doctrine that raw cotton or cotton-yarn from the Confederate material, if grown, will be sold. We beStates except through the seaports of these lieve it will be so in this instance more than States;" and confiscates all the cotton which in others; but still the position is exceedany merchant may be attempting to export ingly remarkable, and is not exceedingly in defiance of that legislation. The North comfortable. Both parties in the struggle has declared that she will establish an effect--one by warlike efforts and the other by ual blockade, and will prevent the issue of legislation are providing that we shall not any cotton from those ports. So far, there- have that which we most want. fore, as the political acts of either party in the struggle can affect the exportation of cotton, these acts will do so. They are the most efficacious which could be passed for the purpose.

One motive of the South in passing this apparently suicidal enactment is the desire of preventing the cotton manufacturers of the North from obtaining the raw material which is necessary to them. Another is the wish to prevent the transit of cotton to Europe through the North, and the consequent profits of the North as produce broker and exchange agent, of which the South, who always believe that they are cheated by Yankees, have for years formed a very exaggerated idea. But there is in many minds undoubtedly a further and most strange motive. It sounds like a bitter jest, but it is capable of documentary proof, that a somewhat numerous and an influential section at the South do not wish us to have their cotton. They have contracted, by a long and strange history, and from a peculiar and lamentable state of society, an exaggerated idea of their own importance. Writers in the most respectable Southern journals advisedly say, that if England and France cannot obtain their cotton in consequence of the blockade imposed by the North, both England and France will interpose and remove

From The Saturday Review, 22 June.

AMERICA.

THE rude injustice and malignity of the New York journals continue to represent the hostile feelings of the Northern Americans to England. There is no reason, however, for abandoning the dispassionate calmness with which the nature and prospects of the struggle have hitherto been regarded in this country. Three months ago, the North was apparently as unanimous in its reprobation of war as it is now loudly intolerant even of the theoretical neutrality of foreigners. The present fashion of opinion will probably last longer, because it is embodied in large material preparations. When the flower of the population is armed and drilled, and provided with all the munitions of war, it will be difficult even for American caprice to withdraw from the struggle without some tangible result. Notwithstanding the inexperience of the civilian generals, there can be no doubt that their troops will fight, and as long as the campaign is confined to the Border, the United States will have a large preponderance both in numbers and in military resources. The Southern Confederacy is better provided with professional officers, but it recruits from a thinner population.