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From The Spectator, 6 July. troops, but by the people from among whom THE STORM-CLOUD IN CENTRAL EUROPE. those troops are recruited. But, on the other

AFFairs in Austria seem ripening fast. hand, the Hungarians have gained advantages For the second time in twelve years the king which may compensate even for their great of Hungary has cast down the gauntlet to his loss. They have linked themselves at last subjects

. Yielding, after a long hesitation, to into the revolution. The Liberal party the traditional impulses of his race, the em- throughout Europe is watching them, not, as peror of Austria rejected the address of bis in 1848, as a nation fighting out an ancestral Diet, and on the 1st inst. the rescript accus- quarrel, but as a people striving for freedom ing its framers of treason and the Diet of dis- against a government they nevertheless acloyality was read in Pesth. If the Diet will knowledge. They have, too, acquired an ally, reconsider its language, it may continue to ex- bound to their fortunes by links such as no dipist ;, if not, it will be at once dissolved. As lomacy could weld. The rescript was read usual in a crisis, the emperor seeks in Italian in Pesth on the 1st July. On the following blood the aid his own subjects are powerless day the premier of Italy rose to pronounce a to afford, and Count Coronini is to do for speech which, if M. Reuter has done his duty, Austria in Hungary what Eugene of Savoy is a clear declaration of war. “ We are armdid for Austria in the Low Countries. The ing,” said the stern noble, with an audacity Hungarian fortresses have been regarrisoned, the world has not yet learned to expect from and the state of siege is postponed only for the an Italian, “not only to defend our soil, but answer of the Diet. An appeal has been to restore it to its natural and legitimate made to the Reichsrath, and Count Clam-Gal- boundaries. Europe,” he continued, “will las, chief of the Austrian aristocracy, pledges shortly acknowledge our incontestable right to the German population to a hearty support of perfect our independence.” It is difficult not the crown. On the other hand, the Hunga- to believe that the speaker had heard the rerians are furiously excited. Their leaders fusal decided on in the Austrain cabinet, and can scarcely restrain the citizens from attack- knew that his proud challenge, which in other ing detached parties of soldiers, and the levy days would have set loose the Austrian armies of taxes by force will be openly resisted. It as certainly as the summer sets free the ice, is just possible that M. Deak may devise a was a summons to Hungary as well as Italy, compromise which will hold back both parties would strike a note of encouragement in Pesth till the Italians are fully armed, but the signs as cheerful as that it rings in Caprera. It is, which precede civil war, and the rumors which at all events, certain that this is the permaherald its actual outbreak, are all once more nent policy of the Italian ministry, that they abroad.

look to the contest between Hungary and its The single security for peace is the pre- king as the Venetian opportunity, and that sumed inability of Hungary to fight, and of they are prepared, if need be, to march to the this too much is made. The Hungarians deliverance of Venice at the head of the revdoubtless are in one or two respects in a worse olution. The power of such an alliance in position than in 1848. Then the national furthering the Hungarian cause cannot be army stood on its own soil, a nucleus for the overestimated. It is not merely that Italy force which in a few months compelled the brings with her the aid of an army, which it emperor to place his first kingdom at the feet will require half the strength of Austria to of an ally. Then, too, the emperor was at war resist, with possibly a still more potent army with sections of his remaining subjects, re- in the background; it is not only that the straining Vienna as well as attacking Pesth, Italian king is obeyed by a servant whose using martial law in Prague as well as flog- mere name acts like a spell on the disaffected ging nobles on the Theiss. It is impossi- of all races, and is as powerful among Croats ble to deny that the absence of an organ- as among Neapolitans; but the Italian govized force places M. Deak at great disadvan- ernment has been formed by accretion round tage by the side of Kossuth. It is useless to an old and strongly organized monarchy, question that the creation of the Reichsrath, which can supply to allies the very requirevain as we may believe the concession to be, ments of which they stand in need. Italy can bas strengthened the emperor's hand, that he' find Hungary generals, arms, cadres, and a will be supported this time not only by his battle-ground. It matters little whether the contest be fought out round the Quadrilateral House of Hapshurg must coerce Hungary, or or at Pesth, and an Hungarian legion swollen suffer the empire to sink into a powerless fedby deserting regiments into an army, would eration. Recent events have shown, howfind on the Mincio chiefs, artillery, and its foe. ever, that the danger of this result has Nor is Hungary itself so powerless as marti- passed, that there is a cohesion among the nonnets believe. A nation of twelve millions, ac- Hungarian provinces other than that procustomed to arms, full of the military instinct, duced by imperial authority. The Reichsrath and protected by mountain and forest, is at all can rule Austria peacefully enough, even if times, whether prepared or taken by surprise, Hungary is permitted to rule herself. Supa terrible foe on its own soil. Military occu- pose, therefore, the “ wild ” address not only pation sounds formidable, but the military oc- received but accepted, in what position would cupation of a country a third larger than Eng- the emperor have been placed ? He would land is an operation whose cost a government have been sovereign of two great countries, with ruined finances, and a commerce yet to each sufficient to take a front rank in Eucreate, may find it impossible to sustain. The rope, each contented with his rule, and bound worthy Germans who think the Hungarians together by an offensive and defensive alliuncivilized, because they prefer free speech to ance. In each his personal authority, though free speculation, and political knowledge to limited in the one case by ancient laws, and scientific thought, will bear anything sooner in the other by his own act, would still be far than effective taxation. The citizens of beyond that possessed by any constitutional Vienna may be willing to crush Hungary, monarchy, while in each it would have been without being willing to contribute a house tax possible to secure in the Diet an influence towards that end. The revenue of Venetia sufficient to make the sovereign the first and would be at once extinguished, while Bohemia most effective of political chiefs. The dominand Gallicia, and the rest of the heterogene- ions of the House would be as wide as they ous provinces which the reigning house holds are now, and far more secure; tlie army as together by a sort of regal glue, will pay ex- numerous, and far more loyal; the revenue actly as much as they are compelled to pay to as extensive, and far easier to collect. The maintain the unity their own representatives action of the empire, even, would be nearly perpetually resist. Within a month of the as rapid, for the emperor could commence ofcommencement of war, Austria, unless she fensive movements with his German soldiers, gains a victory so signal as to re-establish her and leave to the Hungarian Diet the inevitacredit, will be in the position of the govern- ble protection of his rear. The union of Ausment of France in 1789—bankrupt to the tria and Hungary under the Hapsburgs would point at which daily cash is no longer to be have been just as real as the union of Engprocured. The great victory is of course pos- land and Scotland under the Stuarts, and sible; but with England and France hostile to might have led to a similar end. The Gerinvasion, Italy forgetting her factions in the mans do not despise the Magyars, or the common calamity, and the revolutionists of the Magyars detest the Germans, more than Engworld calling to arms, a great victory would lishmen and Scotchmen then contemned and not terminate all the hopes of the two nations. hated each other. All just demands conWar, such as that of Austria against Italy, is ceded, the conservative feeling, that loyalty not of the class which ends in a coup d'etat in which always tends to accrete to an ancient a tent at Villafranca. It is a struggle which throne, would have revived with the strength the attacked may as well perish as lose; and of a reaction. With one king on both thrones, in which the invader only enjoys the danger- incessant intercourse through railways already ous privilege of retreat. Austria defeated constructed, common interests, and a common would be a dukedom, and, victorious, only the and liberal system of commerce, administrapossessor of provinces drawing breath for the tive disunion must at last have been an anrenewal of a strife which, in the nature of noyance. There is no need to unite laws, or things, cannot end.

even to abolish a national tongue: German, In rejecting the address, the emperor places as the medium of intercourse with Europe, is at stake not only his dynasty, but the empire sure to become the lingua franca of Hungary, it has collected; and all for what? There is and in a century the House might bave a strange opinion current in England that the gained, with the consent of the people, the

object it has striven in vain for a century to advisers. The die bas, however, been cast, obtain. Venetia, it is true, must have been and, however long the actual conflict may be held by German forces alone, but so it must delayed, there is henceforth war between the now, and the retention of Venetia is not in- Hungarian kingdom and the Austrian emdispensable to the dignity of the empire it pire. How long the flames may smoulder it impoverishes. The province will certainly is difficult to predict, but Italy and France not be retained the longer because Hungary have each too keen an interest at stake to is eager to assist it to escape.

suffer the fire to go out for want of stirring. It seems almost incredible that a prospect Unless some wholly unexpected event should so fair should be destroyed by the pride of intervene, Austria, in the spring, will be once the emperor and the political pedantry of his more on its trial for its life.


Books WITHOUT INDEXES.—Sir: I beg you | A carefully prepared index to a set of one of the to call the attention of the most learned of the most important of late American publications, medical profession to an indication of mental was reduced perhaps one half, to diminish the obliquity upon the part of authors and publish editor of an English work, boasts, in the ex

expense of paper and print! An American ers (especially those of the United States), which treme of his stupidity, that he has saved the has already worked incalculable evil in the Re- American purchaser of the book he edits the public of Letters, and threatens to work more. expense of an index! Within the last few years, as is well known to Let the remedy be applied forth with. Let literary men, many authors who have devoted Lord Campbell's proposition be carried out at anxious days and nights of careful research to various departments of learning, have published “So essential,” remarks his lordship, "did I bulky volumes professing to contain the results consider an index to be to every book, that I of such investigations, but presenting to the eye proposed to bring a bill into Parliament to deof the reader nothing save a confused mass of prive an author who publishes a book without matter, almost totally useless for want of an an index, of the privilege of copyright; and, alphabetical index. So much for authors; and moreover, to submit him for his offence to a if they be partially excused on the plea of that pecuniary penalty.” (Preface to Chief Justices, want of practical common sense to which mental | Vol. III.) abstraction is supposed to be unfavorable, what After “author," above, add “or publisher,” shall be said for publishers, men of business, and let such a bill be passed at its next legiswho are sometimes found willing to risk their lature by every state which boasts an author, capital by printing—perhaps even stereotyping publisher, and printing-press. What would be -such confused masses of matter, without in- thought of an architect who built a large house sisting upon the addition of a copious alphabet- and left it without staircases for exploration ? ical index?

What, then, shall be said of an author or pubIs it a fear of trouble upon the part of the lisher who sends a book into the world without author, a dread of expense on the part of the an index?

S. A. A. publisher, that disgraces literature by indexless -N. Y. Tribune, October 27, 1860. books?

But will the author let the toil of years be lost to a large part of the world—for lost it surely is ANOTHER Louis XVII. has been discovered ----rather than add a few days or weeks of labor to swell the list occupied by the late Rev. Mr. to make the whole available? Will the pub. Williams, among others. A watchmaker called lisher risk thousands of dollars on the plates of | Trévisan died lately in Zara, in Dalmatia, and what should be a valuable work, and yet grudge on his death-bed communicated a secret that he the outlay of a few more dollars for the paper was the unfortunate dauphin; that after escapand print of an index? A man unaccustomed ing from that cobbler of bad memory, Simon, he to books, after reading this article, would be apt went to London, thence to Scotland, and finally to say—“Such stupidity is incredible; surely to Padua, where a married couple named Tréthis writer cannot be in earnest.” Alas, it is visan took him up and gave him their name. too true! I have known of instances where in- The authorities ght this story of so much dexes were objected to by publishers, because consequence that they had his portrait taken and they were too minute-took up too much room! I have instituted inquiries.

From The Spectator, 20 July. which American journalists describe them, THE PRESIDENT'S MESSAGE. like the decrees proposed to a government The view we have taken from the first of heading a revolution. The “ Indemnity Bill” the character and policy of the American sounds like a constitutional form, but the rePresident is strongly supported by his last mainder are all “ up to the height of cirmessage.

Mr. Lincoln writes like a half-ed-cumstances." The peaceful republic is to ucated lawyer, and thinks like a European pass at once a law “ to increase the military sovereign. It is difficult to imagine any thing establishment," and thereby secure skilled of more feebly diffuse than the long columns by ficers; a bill “ for the better organization of which he justifies the war, or any thing more military establishments," which will reorganize haughtily energetic than the single paragraph the bureaux; a bill“ to promote the efficiency in which he demands means for carrying it to of the army," which will make discipline stern, a successful end. That paragraph, explained and a “ bill for a national guard,” which will as it is by the official reports of the secretaries be a standing army. of state, clears up all that was doubtful in the There can be no mistake as to the meaning policy of the Cabinet, scatters to the winds all of all this. The American people may have rumors of compromise, and declares that the different views, may refuse the means necesAmerican republic tolerates rebellion as lit- sary to make these menaces effective, or may tle as any monarchy on earth. The Presi- shrink from the long war now so plainly before dent defends himself for his delay before the them, and we have considered below the possiassault on Sumter, promises a long paper from bility of those occurrences; but discussion on the attorney-general on his right to arrest the designs of the Government has come at last traitors, asks “ if it is just that the South should to an end. The President says nothing about be off without any consent or any return” for the last man and the last shilling, but if it be the money invested in Florida, and through- not his resolve to expend both, rather than out stands on the defensive in a style fatal to make terms with rebellion, words and acts have English ideas of the dignity of his office. But alike no meaning. American statesmen are in the midst of this slip-slop garrulity he asks trained to servility, and we cannot expect, for an army equal to that of a first-class mili- even from a President, the independent volitary power, and supplies on a scale which tion it is the pride of an English statesman to startles Englishmen accustomed to pay war display: But, though bowing always-and, taxes, and calmly discusses his course “after in English judgment, bowing too low-towards this rebellion shall have been suppressed.” the people, Mr. Lincoln's own purposes are That sentence is the key to the President's terribly clear and plain. He may distrust resolution. Secession is rebellion, and re- the people, but they, if they mean war, have bellion shall be suppressed at any outlay of no cause to distrust him. He will go forward treasure, or any expenditure of life. Mr. relentlessly; as if the war were a suit, expend Lincoln asks for four hundred thousand men armies as if they were costs, and press judgand a hundred millions sterling as the first ment to execution as if he were only distraincontribution of Congress towards the neces- ing a fraudulent or menacing debtor. This sary war. And this, he says, with a cold res- is not perhaps the highest form of resolution, olution which all his verbiage cannot hide, is but it is one against which threats are as much but a small demand. The army will be only lost as sophistry or bribes. “ a tenth of those of proper ages within the There is one other point to be noticed in regions where apparently all are willing to the President's Message. From first to last, , engage,” and the money is “ less than a twenty- throughout all those weary columns of type, third part of the sum owned by those who the word slavery never occurs—the thing seem willing to devote the whole.” The talk of slavery is never referred to. The President a strong Union party within the South is kept thrusts the slave question wholly out of sight. up, but its existence is treated as matter of Even in the paragraph in which he alludes no moment. If all Southerners are volunteers to his course “ when this rebellion shall against the Union, and all Southern wealth is have been suppressed,” he gives no pledge devoted to that one end, the Union is still to as to state rights or the peculiar institution. find means to enforce its complete supremacy. « Lest," he says, “ there be some uneasiness Secession is rebellion, and the number of the in the minds of candid men as to what is to rebels only increases the means the loyal must be the course of the Government towards the raise to effect the inevitable suppression. Com- Southern States after the rebellion shall have promises, if made at all, inust be made by the been suppressed, the Executive deems it people, and till then the President “ will not proper to say it will be his purpose then, as shrink, nor count the chances of his own life ever, to be guided by the Constitution and in what may follow.” The bills introdnced by the laws, and that he probably will have no the Government tally well with this cold re- different understanding of the powers and solve. They read, in the short sentences in | duties of the Federal Government, relatively

to the rights of the states and the people content, and the House of Assembly has under the Constitution, than that expressed elected a Republican speaker. The galleries in the inaugural address."

cheered the demand for four hundred mil“ I will adhere,” said the emperor of Aus- lions, and the galleries on such occasions are tria, last week, " to the principles laid down filled with the best representatives of the in my first speech to the Reichsrath;” and Union. The talk about compromise has for in the minds both of President and emperor weeks elicited nothing but indignation. The the intention of the reference is the same. Democratic leaders dare not even yet attack Both intend to declare a consistent resolu- the war, except by expressing their doubts tion. That of the President is to uphold whether the same expenditure would not the Constitution, which, as the North wields conquer the continent. Above all, the Amerthe majority, may, "probably," prohibit ican people are convinced that the South is slavery in the states, and will certainly for- already defeated, that it needs but one great bid it within the territories. It is difficult to levy and one bold push to secure the unconbelieve that this reticence was not of design. ditional surrender. It matters little now, as A word on the state right to regulate sla- it mattered nothing in March, what course very would have conciliated thousands of the trading politicians may take. The silent wavering Southerners, but the word would millions of the North, whose hearts have have pledged the Cabinet not to pursue the been ulcerated for thirty years by enforced path which they perceive, willing or unwill. submission to ceaseless insult, will accept ing, they must tread.

any demand rather than yield, and with their But will the people concede the enormous decision the controversy, however warm, or powers demanded by their Government ? however much to the apparent advantage of That, after all, is the real point at issue, for, the South, will, as before, instantly end. however resolved the President may be, his That individuals will resist, that some Charles policy, unless it meets the assent of the peo- Fox will appear, that a strong minority will ple, is simply an individual opinion. And, grow up, as in our own European war, craving moreover, can the people, even if carried only for peace, is more than probable. But such lengths by their enthusiasm, bear the the mass of the nation, like the mass of the enormous burden the President desires to British people, is with the war, and nothing impose? It needs no argument to prove that but sharp distress will make it even tempothe burden is onerous to the last degree. rarily unpopular. Of the will of the North The war will not end in a year, and to keep at present there can, we believe, be no doubt four hundred thousand men in the field two whatever. years is an effort which would task the re- Of their power there is perhaps more doubt, sources of England, with twice the wealth but even on this point, though with more of the states, and tax the human supply of hesitation, we must reply in the affirmative. Russia, with twice their population. The It is evident that the men can be procured: army is to be drawn from the North, from a Whether it be that social life in the states people, that is, less numerous than that of tempts men to soldiership, or that the great England alone, and the outlay exceeds five- foreign population, as some say, is really in fold the national revenue of the republic. distress, or that the heart of the nation is The President, too, speaks of the hundred really aroused to a depth we can scarcely apmillions paid for Florida, and then asks for preciate, the men, it is evident, can be obfour hundred millions to spend in recovering tained. The Secretary of War reports that them; he talks of the free institutions which three hundred and ten thousand men are alare a model to the world, and then proposes ready collected. Eighty thousand of these a standing army, He places these requests are three months' volunteers, but after that before people who have never furnished a great deduction, two hundred and thirty native recruit to their permanent force, and thousand men remain engaged for the war. have never borne a direct tax, or provided Nearly a hundred thousand more are fretting for a more than nominal national debt. Feel in the Western States because their services ing acutely the force of these objections, we cannot be entertained, and with money in still believe that the North will endure this plenty the balance will be only too easily tremendous strain. The mere fact that they gathered together. Whether these men will asked to do it will of itself treble their will submit to the discipline a long campaign reingness. Their complaint has hitherto been quires ; whether they can turn out cavalry in that the Government lagged behind, that it any thing like adequate numbers ; whether, refused the means placed at its disposal, in short, they can be reduced by service or seemed lukewarm, or even treacherous. The discipline into an army, events alone can President has now shot forward far in ad- decide. But the men, we believe, can be vance, but there is no proof that he has out- found, and behind them remains, as a reserve, stripped the people. The Republicans are the whole population of states like Iowa, in


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