from the rushing of the boys to the porch ter. I dare say that to a novice, the gradual gate. However, I had my camera to think coming out of a picture under development about just then, and couldn't stop to specu- seems mysterious the first time or two. But late on the ringing of the bell. I believe if a lion stood between a photographic artist and his camera when the time is up, the lion could not stop him. Bringing my slide out of the church, I found the boys ready for me. The sound of the bell had aroused the villagers, and a good many of them were standing at their doors to see what was the matter. The only way I could account for its ringing myself was, by supposing that the wind had shaken it. Miss White met me in the garden. I could see she was in a towering passion. "If I had thought, sir," she said, "that you did not know how to respect a sacred place where you were admitted on sufferance, I would not have employed you." 66 "Ma'am," I answered, for I was nettled, as for respect, I took off my hat, though there was a draught like the wind from a blacksmith's bellows. I should no more think of touching the bell than you would." "Don't add to your sin," she said; "make haste and finish your work, and let me be rid of you." There is nothing riles a man more than a false accusation. I knew I should lose my temper if I spoke; besides, my picture was spoiling, so I turned on my heel and ducked my head into the dark tent. I am afraid I am using a great many expressions which people who know nothing of photography will not understand. But there is scarcely a family now which has not an amateur photographer in it: some young lady who spoils her pretty little fingers, or some young gentleman who blackens his shirt cuffs and cambric pocket-handkerchiefs, and whose pictures are not quite worth the spoiling of either. However, for the benefit of those who have not a photographic amateur in the family, I will explain that, when I say I began to develop my picture, I mean that I poured on to it a certain chemical solution which brings out gradually all the details of light and shade which are already there, but unseen. it is the simplest thing in nature. It is the light and the chemicals that do it. Good light, good lens, and good chemicals-these are your tools. I have seen in print a great deal of poetical nonsense about photography waves of light, images thrown off from people and caught and retained by magic quædam simulacra, modeis pallentia mireis," (I copy that letter for letter out of a book ;) "phantoms strangely pale," it means as they translate it underneath. You may be sure that when any one begins to write poetically on a subject, he knows nothing of that subject. There is nothing poetical to be got out of what one knows; and every photographic artist will tell you that there is nothing in the world more plain and matter-of-fact than photography. Whatever there is in range of your lens, you will have in your picture. But sometimes an extraordinary occurrence will happen in the most ordinary routine. An extraordinary occurrence happened in the development of my picture. I can't explain it in the least, but I am going to tell you what it was. I had said all along in my own mind that the pulpit would not come out well. In developing, a space remained perfectly white in the dark pulpit corner between the two arches, while the rest of the picture was showing more and more detail every moment. This was natural and what I had expected. Towards the last a pinnacle of the pulpit on the light side and the edge of the cushion came faintly into sight. Then suddenly a great blur made its appearance where the pulpit ought to have been. I had never known, in all my professional practice, a stain like this or coming in the same manner. The stain came as if it were shot into the picture; sharp-outlined, distinct, full of minute detail. I was puzzled. I held the glass up to the light. It was not a stain. It was a figure! Miss White was angry that she could not have the photographs at once, and would not understand for some time that the negative views of the church had to be printed. Of I began to develop. The windows started course, it was not likely that she would deout in a moment, then came the patches of tect with her unpractised eye the figure in sunlight, then the white monuments on the the pulpit. People never can make out a walls, then the polished edges of the pews; negative, where all the whites are black and and then, very slowly, the outlines of the all the blacks white. I promised to bring arches, the round pillars, the walk between her the pictures on the next evening; and the pews, the details of the pews themselves, so packed up my traps and returned to the the communion table with its railings, the van. Commandments, and the pulpit. I printed that afternoon, watching the I have heard people talk about photog-printing-frames in the intervals of portraitraphy as if it were a very mysterious mat-taking. The figure came out wonderfully sharp and distinct-an old gentleman with | Miss White was overlooking a man who was white hair, dressed in a black gown, every putting an oil picture into a case. It was a fold of which was visible, with a pair of portrait of a gentleman. Though the face white bands hanging down over the breast. was much younger, it struck me like lightI hesitated a little whether I would not leave ning, this was the same person as the figure this figure out of the picture, which of course in my photograph. I knew how to manage. But at last I decided I would let it be as it was. The pictures were very successful. I framed them neatly and took them to Cvicarage on the following afternoon, when it was too late for portraits. I knocked at the door, and a servant let Miss White took off the paper in which I had wrapped the pictures. Of course she saw the figure in a moment. She gasped out, "Papa!" and fell to the ground as if she had been knocked down. I caught the pictures as she fell, so that the glasses were not broken. I keep the negative among my curiosities. house barrier to obstruct their intercourse. They have railways, telegraphs, post-office, and all the rest of the apparatus of civilized existence, in common-not to speak of social and domestic each other," and no diversity of mother-tongue ties. They perfectly "know and understand interferes with their thorough mutual compre from plunging into a war which, if we are to judge from the singular bitterness of the language held on both sides, threatens to be among the fiercest known to modern history. Here, then, we have the least irrational article of the Manchester creed tested under peculiarly favorable conditions, and found wanting. No sensible man will dream of denying that community of trading and other interests is ordinarily a potent peace-maker; but no man with his eyes open to what is passing in America will venture to assert that any condition of international relations which it is in the power of commercial diplomacy to create can be relied upon as a specific against war.-Saturday Review. FULL TRADE WILL NOT INSURE PEACE.It has always been a favorite notion with our peacemongers that a palpable community of interests more especially of commercial interests -between two countries, is an infallible security against their ever going to war with each other. There is no dogma about which Manchester poli-hension. Yet all this does not prevent them ticians feel more positive than this-that close commercial intimacy is an unfailing guarantee for peace. No nation, they tell us, will ever make war against its best customers. Mr. Cobden only asks five or ten years' fair play for his Commercial Treaty, and he pledges his word that it will be past the power of all the diplomatists and admirals in creation ever again to embroil England and France in a quarrel. Only let the seventy millions of people on the two shores of the British Channel learn to trade together, and to "know and understand each other," and he will defy all the clubs in Pall Mall and all the unprincipled writers in Printing-house Square to set them by the ears. Mr. Bright, as usual, caricatures and exaggerates the theories of his less indiscreet coadjutor, and recommends that the French language should be universally taught in English schools by way of precluding the possibility of future international misunderstandings. There is some plausibility, and even a limited amount of truth, in this community-of-interests doctrine, but passing events might suffice to warn its most enthusiastic votaries that it does not quite exhaust all the facts of human nature. No conceivable commercial treaty can ever unite England and France, or any other two countries, in relations of closer intimacy than those which eighty years of a common national existence have cemented between the Northern and Southern halves of the American Confederation; yet, after all, it turns out that a war between them is more than possible. They have traded together for three generations with no custom AMONGST Mr. Manwaring's latest announcements are "Awas-I-Hind; or, a Voice from the Ganges, being a solution of the true source of Christianity, by an Indian officer: ""Mysteries; or, Faith the Knowledge of God;" also, by the same author, "Faith the Knowledge of God," being an introduction to "Mysteries;" and a volume of Seven Sermons, being Answers to "Essays and Reviews," by the Rev. Robert Ainslie. AT Ailes, in France, lately, an elephant belonging to an American travelling circus broke out of a stable in which he had been confined for the night, and made such a tremendous meal in an adjoining field of ripe clover that he became horribly swollen and died in a few hours. THE NATIONAL CRISIS. pels our assertion-not the slightest regard for the feelings, the convictions, or the interests of that large body of states with which they had been so long and so intimately associated, and which could not be supposed to look without concern upon a movement which was disintegrating and shivering into fragments the structure of THE Christian Review for July has an article thus entitled, which, by its manifest merit and power, is worthy of a wider reading than, in the pages of a quarterly, it can ever receive. The writer indicates in the course of the discussion that his past affiliations have been not with the Republican party, though he vindicates the action and our national institutions, undermining its principles of that party from misapprehension.-Christian Watchman. PURPOSE OF THE WAR. very foundations, and inaugurating upon our continent a system which would inevitably substitute for one united, powerful, steadily consolidating nationality, a chaotic aggregate of divided, jealous, feeble, and conflicting sovereignties. They rushed to the dismemberment of a great empire, to the sundering of relations which involved the interests of thirty millions of freemen, and the hopes and destinies of a continent, with less of formality and ceremony than private cit We say, then, at the outset, that the purpose of the war on the part of the loyal states, is the defence of our National Government, the protection of our Constitution against a movement whose tendency, if not its purpose, is to destroy it. Whether mistaken or not, this is with us the issue, and the South must do us the justice of conced-izens could have shown in dissolving an oring to us at least honesty of conviction. It is not, in our judgment, a war of conquest and subjugation. It is not a struggle for national aggrandizement. It is not a crusade for the overthrow of slavery. It is simply the endeavor, which is the right and the duty of every legitimate governmental organization, to protect itself from deadly assault, whether from without or from within. Under the assumption of a so-called right of secession, certain sections of our country, or rather portions of the people of certain sections, have attempted to withdraw themselves from our national Union, nullify within their borders the laws of the United States, and set up an independent government. In carrying out this purpose they took no steps to secure a peaceful and harmonious, not to say constitutional, withdrawal. They sent no deputies to their sister Northern members of the Union, nor to that central Government to which all owe a common and equal allegiance. They asked no national convention in which they might have a hearing of their grievances, or by which, if their minds were not fully made up, and their exodus from the Union was under all possible contingencies a foregone conclusion, they might be discharged from the obligations of the compact, and the numerous delicate and difficult questions which their withdrawal would infallibly originate, might be put in a train of amicable adjustment. They manifested-the truth of history com dinary commercial partnership. They broke away from the body politic as if they were bursting from a loathsome carcass whose contact was contagion, and whose embrace was death. They tore down and trampled on the national flag, the sacred banner under which their fathers and ours had first marched to national independence, and then to national greatness and glory. They seized the nation's fortresses, its arsenals, its arms, they reared their batteries against its forts, they fired upon its ships, and finally they consummated their wrongs by attacking a small, feeble, half-starved garrison, whom the Government proposed to provision but not to reinforce; and it was not in default of elaborate preparation, of deadly purpose, of unwavering execution, but simply by force of impregnable walls, that the whole of that gallant little band did not, at the close of that unparalleled piece of military jousting, lie blackened and gory corpses, destroyed by their brethren-their brethren, politically, literally-beneath the national banner which they had sworn to defend, and which they were too honorable to betray. It cannot be forgotten that the fact that "nobody was hurt" in that terrible game of mimic war, was not owing to the humanity or chivalry of South Carolina. She did not, in a time of peace, and under the patient guns of the fortress, which might have blown to atoms the incipient germs of hostility, weave around Fort Sumter her horrid net-work of slaugh ter; she did not, through long hours, rain have awakened. Dead to every sentiment her showers of shot and shell upon the devoted fortress, redoubling her fire when the bursting flames told that the garrison were assailed by a nearer, if not more formidable foe, without intending work of blood. If God made the bombardment innocuous, she meant it for destruction. The lurid flame which played around Sumter, harmless as the coruscations that quiver on the clouds of a summer evening, she meant for the lightning-blaze and the destroying bolt of the tempest. She did her utmost that the men who had the presumption to remain in their place under the orders of the Government and the protection of the national flag, should be killed, and the varnish of courtesy which softened the close of the fray, sincere as we may believe it was, cannot blind our eyes to the unprovoked character and deadly intention of the assault. THE SUMTER OUTRAGE. Rarely, we feel constrained to say, has a greater outrage been perpetrated than the assault upon Fort Sumter. Still more rarely, perhaps, has there been committed a greater political blunder. Up to this time the North had been distressed, humiliated, still hoping against hope that what seemed to them a strange and inexplicable frenzy, would pass away, and that forbearance under the series of Southern aggressions could not but be followed by a salutary reaction in the Southern mind. And we deem it by no means impossible, that had the South refrained from this culminating act, had it confined itself to less obtrusive, though not less real, acts of hostility, the North, uncertain, hesitating, divided as to the true line of policy, might have remained inactive until the revolution had become an accomplished fact, until the government de facto had transformed itself into a government de jure, and compelled her to pay the penalty of delay in the ultimate recognition of the Confederacy. That event harmonized her distractions and terminated her supineness. It showed how determined and desperate was the purpose of the Confederacy, and how utterly vain were all hopes based upon its lingering attachment to the flag and the Constitution of the country. Deep, indeed, must have been the sleep of those whom the cannon of Fort Sumter would not The of nationality must have been the people who could remain insensible to such an assault on the government of their country. This was equally the case under the Northern or the Southern interpretation of the Constitution. Under the Southern interpretation it was an act of war. If the South were in the Union, they were assailing the government of their country; if they were out of the Union, they were assailing a foreign state. In either case, there is no principle in the law or the practice of nations which allows the outrage to go unpunished. The government that had done so would have consigned itself to contempt, and the people who had allowed it would have shown themselves unworthy of a government. Northern people so felt it. It kindled in them a deep-felt and a righteous indignation. The promptness with which they responded to that thunder-peal of defiance, and to the cry of an aggrieved country-for, like the voice of the Athenian herald in the popular assembly, the voice of the chief magistrate was the voice of the country-showed that the previous calm was the calm, not of indifferent, but of thoughtful and anxious men, of men who were not dead to the humbled and distressed condition of the country, and who needed but a voice, an occasion, and a leader, to rally to the defence of institutions in which were enshrined their proudest political reminiscences, their dearest interests, their highest hopes. WHO BEGAN THE WAR? Let then our brethren who deprecate the blood-thirsty spirit of the North, and dwell with just eloquence on the horrors of war, remember who initiated the contest, and under what provocation the loyal states took up arms. They did not fire the first gun; they did not make the first hostile demonstration; they did not stir a finger until the nation had been assaulted, and until the safety of its capital was threatened, not merely in the irresponsible vauntings of Southern papers, but by a high official at Montgomery. They waited, in the hope that sanity would return to the Southern mind, until they had almost become the objects of the world's and their own contempt, and the attack on Sumter seemed half justified by the reasonable doubt, whether the nation had the sensibility to feel, or the spirit tering visions of a vast empire, embracing to resent it. Nowhere, we solemnly believe, the fairest portion of our territory, and girin the history of the world, is there pre- dling the Gulf of Mexico, resting on servile sented such an instance of the forbearance labor, and commanding a monopoly of some of a great and high-spirited people under of the great agricultural and manufacturing grievous provocation. We say, deliberately, staples of the world-such visions have for high-spirited. For had there really been the years dazzled the eyes of Southern politiinsensibility and indifference which the cor- cians, and determined them, at the earliest respondent of the London Times imagined, practical moment, to dissolve a political conhad there been as much of" human phlegm" nection which was distasteful to them, and as there was of "divine calm," there would which contained elements wholly incompathave been small merit in its forbearance. But ible with their dream of empire. But how it was not so. A keen agony of interest have they drawn to their support the large was thrilling along every nerve of the social middle class, which did not share in their body. Whatever might have been true of ambitious and splendid illusions? venal politicians, the great mass of the people were acutely sensitive to the wounds which were inflicted on the national honor. They were silent, because they knew not how to speak. They were passive, because they knew not how to act. They gazed in mingled horror and incredulity upon the mad freaks of the demon of secession, unable to persuade themselves that a movement of such far-reaching extent, so vital to the national interests, that cut to the very quick of the national life, could be originated and carried through, by their brethren in the state and in the church, with such an utter disregard of the forms required by both prudence and courtesy. Is it matter of surprise that they stood awhile confounded by the startling phenomenon, and that, when convinced of the terrible earnestness of the movement, they addressed themselves with corresponding earnestness to the work of resisting it? GROUNDS OF SECESSION. We shall endeavor to state the case with strict fairness, as between the North and the South. The South hold to the doctrine of state sovereignty, and the right of each of the constituent bodies to resume at any time the powers which it has granted, and thus at its own sovereign pleasure retire from the national Union. The North deny this doctrine. They hold that the separate sovereignty of the states is, under the Constitution, and so far as its provisions go, merged in the single sovereignty of the American people. They regard the Constitution not as a compact between states, but an instrument framed and adopted by the people in entire independence of state lines. These separate theories of the Constitution determine the separate views of the two parties regarding the nature of the war. The South are fighting for independence; the North are fighting for the Government. The rallying cry of the South is Pro aris et focisOur homes and our altars. The rallying cry of the North is, The Constitution and the Country. The North believe that, enjoying the protection and the blessings of a government of extraordinary excellence, in rallying to defend it they are but discharging the most sacred and imperative of all secular obligations. The South believe that, in addition to the inherent right of secession, they are rising to resist a long series of aggressions, which have culminated in the election of a sectional President, and the triumph of a political party which aims at the overthrow of Southern institutions. They thus justify to themselves the double right of secession and They seek the grounds of their movement partly in the Constitution of the country, as giving the right of peaceful withdrawal, and partly in that constitution of hu But it is time to inquire into the grounds which the Southern people allege for their act of secession. They have not embarked in the movement without reasons which justify it to their own minds, and it is but simple justice to them and to ourselves that we contemplate as far as possible the subject from their point of view. We refer not, of course, to the leaders in the movement. With many of them it is an iniquitous conspiracy. We do not give them a particle of credit for the honesty of purpose which we have no doubt actuates a large portion of their act by the Southern people. Mr. Alexander H. revolution. Stephens undoubtedly stated the truth, when he attributed their action in a large measure to disappointed and factious ambition. Flat |