Strickland would be somewhat marvellous, if the reputation thus accorded by her gifted biographer were borne out by facts. Catherine Parr was the patroness, if not the instigator, of many complicated intrigues to promote the Reformation, which were openly avowed on the death of the King. Her duplicity in religious matters was perfect: she attended Mass with the King, whilst her chaplains, publicly celebrating Catholic ceremonies, privately attended her Protestant "prayer meetings." In fact, Henry was under the impression, till near his end, that his wife was of the Catholic faith. What good cause could, or should, be promoted by deceit like this? Or how can any honest pen defend such doublefaced conduct, unless the defence be grounded on that long-standing falsehood alleged against an illustrious order

"the end sanctifies the means?" Cranmer, Poynet, Coverdale, Ridley, Jewell, Barlow, and Parker, were amongst Catherine Parr's clerical advisers. She was also surrounded by the Seymours, the Herberts, the Russells, the Dudleys, the Hobys, the Throckmortons, and all those men and women who played a part in the sad scenes of the reigns of Edward and Mary. In another chapter the reader will see more of the history of this last consort of Henry the Eighth.

His

THOMAS AUDLEY was born in the latter end of Henry VII.'s reign. He is said to have been "of a distinguished family, which had long flourished in the county of Essex." Dugdale doubts his having been a member of the old Audley family of Essex, and Roger Stratford contends that he was an illegitimate son of a member of the House of Audley, his real name being Thomas Whitechurch. Morant alleges that he was of "very obscure origin, and that little was known of his early beginning." He had, however, very small means to commence life as a law student. early education was neglected. His industry and powers of perseverance, however, were immense. When he entered at Magdalen College, Cambridge, he quickly attracted notice as a studious and well-behaved youth. At this time Stratford relates that he was "very pious, and attended Mass and all other rites, at the times appointed." appeared at the Inner Temple, where he devoted himself steadily to the study of common law, and discharged the duties of " Autumn Reader" to the Society with some reputation. Shortly after young Maister Audley was called to the degree of "Utter Barrister." The term "Utter Barrister" occurs for the first time in the reign of Henry VIII. It is mentioned in the "Orders and Customs" of the Middle

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Temple, where it was applied to one who, having continued in the house for five or six years, and profited in the study of the law, had been called by the benchers to "plead, argue, and dispute some doubtful matter before certain of the benchers," which manner of argument or disputations is called motyng; and this making of "Utter Barristers" was a preferment or degree given him for his learning.*

He

Maister Audley rose quickly in practice. His skill in the technicalities of the profession, and eager desire to please his clients, acquired him much business, and it was reported that persons who "loved litigation and crooked ways" laid their cases before Maister Audley, who was "almost sure to procure a favourable hearing, and judgment on their behalf." Audley is said to have been " very much liked of persons who frequented the law courts." is reputed by some to have been liberal with his purse in the cause of charity, and his hospitality was profuse. Concurrent testimony speaks well of him then as a man as well as a lawyer. He is described as tall and handsome in person, with the most fascinating manners. Roger Stratford relates that he was "particularly admired by the fayre dames of qualitie in Londyn and the countrie parts." The judges in Audley's time had to pay a "subsidy" of £5 per cent. to the King" on their receipts!" The salaries and fees were wretchedly small, and utterly insufficient to support an equitable and impartial judge; the result was inevitable as things went. The judges received presents from the lawyers and attorneys, and not unfrequently from the suitors a procedure well understood to be for "some

* Dugdale's Orig., p. 194.

consideration."

It is stated by a learned commentator on the contemporary bench, that if the denunciations against the corruption of the judges, in the sermons of Hugh Latimer and others, were, as they no doubt are, well-founded, the scanty pittance given by the Crown, if not actually intended to instigate them to make up the deficiency by fleecing the suitors, will, in a great measure, account for the black mail levied by judges.* In the "fleecing" of clients Thomas Audley was quite at home, whether as an advocate or as a judge; but in all fairness it must be stated that he was no exception amongst his learned brethren.

In the twelfth year of Henry VIII. Maister Audley was created a serjeant-at-law, and soon perceived that although to mingle in the politics of the times was accompanied by peril, it opened the quickest road to influence and emolument. In 1523 he entered the House of Commons, when Sir Thomas More was Speaker. In the Commons Audley soon gained popularity by maintaining the privileges of the House, and resisting the frequent demands made by Wolsey for fresh subsidies. He soon, however, perceived

that the popular side was not the winning one, and retracing his steps, took part with the Court; and pronounced eulogies on Cardinal Wolsey, declaring that those who "opposed the subsidies were disloyal," and at other times styled them "heretics." This "loyal and good Catholic" lawyer soon shared in Royal favour. During the interval of six years, when no Parliament was permitted to sit by the benignant Monarch, Maister Audley aided and abetted the Court in all its schemes for raising money and oppressing

the people.* Deep discontent arose, and many of Audley's financial suggestions were reluctantly abandoned. "Against such a Monarch as Henry," observes Lord Campbell, “ and with such tools as Audley, the only remedy for public wrong was resistance." But, with the pervading servility then obtaining as to the King's omnipotence, resistance was impossible. When the question of the divorce with Katherine of Arragon was raised, Audley entered at once into the King's views, and when he subsequently saw Wolsey withdraw from the contest, in remorseful fear of its results, he began to aspire to the Chancellorship. Here, however, he was baffled-but for a while. A man of his ductility was not necessary just at the time, and it was considered more prudent to appoint Sir Thomas More-a marvellous inappositeness as nature goes. Audley was, however, elected Speaker of the Commons, which met in the November of 1529.† This "legislative. assembly" was called the "Black Parliament," owing to the first attack being made on the Papal power. In the King's design to break off relations with Rome he was earnestly supported by the new Speaker. Henry was well pleased with the manner in which Thomas Audley managed affairs in the Commons. The venal and the timid were alike secured. The interests of the poor in convents and monasteries had in Audley an avaricious and

* The custom of the Plantagenet Sovereigns was to call Parliament together every year, but the despotic Tudors acted on the opposite principle, for they rarely convoked the Legislature unless when in want of a "subsidy." Elizabeth's conduct in this respect showed the special contempt entertained by her race for a "representative" Chamber.

From the days of Sir Thomas More till the Revolution, the Speakership of the Commons was held, with two exceptions, by lawyers (Townshend's History of the English Commons).