the first who has blended gallantry with politics, and vindicated the political rights of the fair fex.

Our readers will find, in the following feven propofitions, the great ends to which the Speech is directed.

I. Every perfon, male or female, paying ten pounds a year in direct taxes, and producing a receipt for that fum from the colle&tor of his parish, fhall have a right to vote at the election of members of parliament.

II. The men thought requifite for the armies fhall be furnished without any expence to the government by the parishes, as the militia men are, and fhall be in proportion to the numbers in each parish.

III. The tithes paid to the clergy fhall be converted to the public ufe, upon the demife of the prefent incumbents, and the parish priests paid according to agreement, by thofe who think priests neceffary to the falvation of their fouls; for as the introduction of tithes by facilitating the Danish conqueft once proved the destruction, it is but reafonable that their abolition should once be the falvation of England, by yielding ultimately three millions a year of revenue.

IV. There fhall be a general refumption and fale of crown-lands and an extinction of all useless penfions.

V. No man fhall receive a penfion upon quitting a lucrative office under government, or make a bargain of that kind upon accepting an office.

VI. Commiffioners fhall be appointed to inquire into the state of the courts of justice, into the numbers of the practitioners in those courts, and into their emoluments and perquifites, in the fame manner as was done in the cafe of the commiffioners of public accounts.

VII. The rest of the allied states should in the fame manner reduce their ecclefiaftical establishment; and then France would 'foon be overpowered.

Art. 24. A Letter to the Right Hon. William Windham, on the Intemperance and dangerous Tendency of his public Conduct. By Thomas Holcroft. 8vo. 1s. 6d. Symonds. 1795.

Mr. W. is here charged with having, in the Houfe of Commons, infultingly reflected on the perfons lately indicted at the Old Bailey for HIGH TREASON, and acquitted; of which number Mr. H. was one. The offence given by Mr. W. is that of having mentioned thefe perfons by the appellation of " acquitted felons."In refentment of this opprobrium, and folecifm, Mr. H. feverely attacks the offender, accufing him not only of ufing intemperate language as a public orator, but charging him with the dangerous tendency of his minifterial conduct.

It is my opinion,' fays Mr. H. it is the opinion of thousands, that you are one of the foremost among thofe mistaken men, who have brought innumerable miferies upon Europe: and the imminent danger that you may effentially contribute to produce more, is the reafon of my writing to you. But, Sir, I wish you and my readers carefully to remember that I do not charge you with intentional guilt. It is a thing indeed with which I believe no man can be truly charged : and, in your cafe, I find abundant proofs that your intentions have been virtuous. It is your ignorance, your errors, your paffions, only

that

that are wicked and deftructive. You will almoft beyond a doubt believe the ignorance, error, paffion, and vice to be mine. I cannot help it. I do my duty, by telling fome few of thofe fearful truths avith all of which no man is acquainted, and leave the world to judge of the accuracy of the statement.'

The writer here anticipates the following indignant queflion from the Right Hon. Gentleman whom he has fo freely addreffed, "Who, Sir, are you, that dare thus publicly arraign men in power, and meafures of government ?" Mr. H. anfwers I am a man; have a portion of the reafoning faculties of man; have a feeling of the injuries he fuffers; have a profpect of the good he may acquire; and that I regard all diftinctions, except thofe of morals and of mind, as vicious and abfurd."

He proceeds I have an additional motive, or rather duty: I am one of thofe " acquitted felons," who, after having been declared innocent by what the law ftyles their country, feem to be in danger of being voted guilty in the Houfe of Commons. Yes, Sir, I must again affert, I, like you, have my feeling, have a sense of injury, have fome principles by which I imagine I can diftinguish between right and wrong, and, though I hope I have not the thirst of revenge, I certainly have the deure of juftice. The fpirit of unrelenting animofity, with which I and my fellow-fufferers have been purfued, is fo bitter, fo abfolutely unmixed with any compunctions of benevolence, fo difappointed in its appetite for vengeance and blood, and fo fanatically pertinacious in continuing its attempts, as to forebode the danger of future fcenes, the very afpect of which petrifies men with horror. Sir, it is time you fhould awake! It is time the nation should awake.! It is time that the fimple truth fhould be told, without referve; be the confequences to the teller what they may. Let him but obtain the end he propofes, and if he fuffer he will be bleft in fuffering."

In farther explaining his motives for thus fingling out Mr. W. on this occafion, he thus pointedly expreffes his purpose:

It

I addrefs myself to you, because your public conduct will be the principal fubject of this Letter: and the chief topics I shall have to difcufs will be the injuftice, the acrimony, and the dangerous tendency, of that conduct; with all which errors I think it teems. once was afked, Can any good come out of Nazareth? No lefs incredulous, you too perhaps in a more bitter tone will demand, Can any good proceed from the heart of a traitor? The question leads me directly to the point. The memorable words, uttered by you on the first night of the meeting of Parliament, will for ever remain on the records of hiftory, as a proof of the uncharitable, mad, and mifchievous fpirit, which characterizes the prefent moment, and prefent men. All parties have been heated; all perhaps have been more or lefs mad but yours, to ufe a coarfe but ftrong phrafe, yours has long been and is ftark mad.'

In purfuit of this declared intention, Mr. H. proceeds to arraign fit is now bis turn,] the political principles and conduct of those who inftigated the late inefficacious profecutions of innocent men.' In effecting this, he affumes a tone of harshness which fome may think

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lefs fuitable to his cenfure of Mr. W.'s intemperance,' and that of his party, than applicable to the pride of Diogenes trampling on the pride of Plato.

Quitting, at length, the obnoxious fubject of the acquitted felons, our Expoftulator takes larger ground, and brings a vigorous charge against Mr. W. as a deferter of his old Oppofitional friends. On this topic he expatiates with a mixture of warmth and farcafm, which the friends of administration will, doubtlefs, refer to the spirit of party.

He now takes ftill wider range, and impeaches the general conduct of our ministry, with reference to principles of government, to continental measures, and to the grounds and tendency of the prefent

.War.

Having thus, with perhaps more appearance of acrimony than might have been expected from the cool temper of Philofophic invefti gation ufually difplayed in Mr. H.'s literary difcuffions, arraigned and condemned the ftate-culprits whom he has here brought to trial, he returns to his particular impeachment of the Right Hon. Member for Norwich, especially regarding him in his public capacity as reprefentative of that city; and perhaps this part of his performance will, by his Norfolk readers, be deemed the most entertaining, on account of the anecdotes which are here introduced.

Mr. H. concludes in the following strain; which, to fome, may appear unexpectedly apologetical, and, by his readers in general, will no doubt be admitted in proof of his candour: but he seriously dif claims all intention to apologize. We shall add the paffage, and thus close the article:

From deliberate examination,' fays our author, I do most fincerely and from my foul believe you would be among the first to alleviate the prefent miseries of the poor, and aid in their future felicity, did you know the means: and that you would be no less zealous to do as much good to the nation and to mankind as you have contributed to do harm, but from the impediments arifing from ignorance. Ignorance is the fource of your impotence. Ignorance is the origin of all the errors of which I or the world can accufe you. To attribute the mischief of which the most pernicious of men are guilty to any other - cause, whether to their delight in malice, the vice inherent in their na◄ ture, or any imaginary conftitutional defect whatever, is the reafon of all our uncharitablenefs, and want of urbanity. But, though the knowledge of this truth would induce me to ferve and never to injure the worst man on earth, it must not lead me, in forbearance to the individual, to neglect my duty to the whole. My intention has not been to wound, but to awaken, to warn, and if poffible to shorten those woes with which the arrogance and errors of men are afflicting the earth. In declaring this, I make no apology; for I must not apologize for having discharged a duty.'

Art. 25. Farther Reflections fubmitted to the Confideration of the Combined Powers. By John Bowles, Efq. 8vo. 1s. 6d. Debrett. 1795. Mr. Bowles's voice is ftill for war. We must proceed, he contends, even if deferted by our allies; and then we fhall have the honor of fingly atchieving the glorious talk of replacing the Bourbon

family on the Gallic throne, in all their plenitude of power, as it exifted before its fubverfion in the year 1789! This, however, is to be accomplished, he acknowleges, in no other way than by the joint efforts of France herfelf. We muft co-operate with the great body of the French nation; who, he feems to take it for granted, would eagerly rife against the tyranny of the Convention, could they once be brought by proper declarations [fuch as are here planned] to look on the allied powers not as conquerors, but as friends. -Thus, fays Mr. B., the monster must be pierced in his vitals, or he will never be fubdued.' This fcheme of arming France against France is the fond idea of our fanguine author: but, we fear, the great difficulty will be, as was observed in the confultation of Mice in the fable, to" Bell the cat."

If we cannot manage to bell the cat, what are we to do then, Sir? You fay we have no other way of fubduing the French monfters. This is but a forry profpect for poor John Bull! You tell honeft John, however, for his comfort, that, if indeed he muft perish,' he will have the immortal honour of perifhing fword in hand.'—If that does not fatisfy Mr. Bull, what will?

Art. 26. The Alarmift!!! or, Vindication of Chartered Rights: Being a brief Narrative of the Origin and Progrefs of the City Militia Bill. With Strictures on its mifchievous Tendency. To which is added, A Lift of the Commiffioners of the Court of Lieutenancy. By a Liveryman. 8vo. 15. Allen. 1794

This author warmly investigates the fubject of his tract, in order to prove the late bill to be fubverfive of the chartered privileges of the citizens of London. As far as we are competent to judge, he feems to have clearly proved this point:-but he goes farther; he endeavours. to fhew the inexpediency of the measure,-even at the prefent critical, juncture.On the whole, he concludes that the citizens, conceiving themselves to have been aggrieved by the procurement of the City. Militia Act, ought to petition for its repeal.-For our account of a fimilar publication, fee M. R. December, p. 448.

Art. 27. fop, an Alarmift. 8vo. 28. Stockdale.

This author, with confiderable zeal and ability, has tacked political applications, ufually called morals, to the good old fables, on the principles of the prefent day; and from this fource he has drawn better arguments, against the democrats, than thofe on the other fide of the question which we often find in the pamphlets of writers, who, trufting too confidently in their own ftrength, may perhaps difdain to call in the affiftance of the lagacious fabulist of antient times.

Art. 28. Letters to the Duke of Portland, on his Dereliction from the Cause of the People. First published in the Morning Chronicle, under the Signature of HAMPDEN. 8vo. 25. Ridgeway. : 1794.

Hampden wonders at the Duke of P.'s deferting his old party; and we wonder at Hampden's wondering!+His strictures, however, on the conduct of the noble Statesman have juftly, as we really think, excited the public attention; and his letters appear to have merited

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prefervation in their prefent form. This edition is addreffed to Mr Pitt, but is by no means drawn up in the usual strain of epiftles dedicatory, which are too often fhamefully inflated with bafe adulation, and the groffeft flattery. This dedicator has afforded us a ftriking inftance in high contraft!

Art. 29 Letters to the People of Great Britain, refpecting the prefent State of their Public Affairs. 8vo. Is. 6d. Ridgeway, &c.

An earnest and eager perfuafive to peace; with the most difcouraging views of the avowed principles and objects of the war, and a marked attack on the alleged evil purposes of the minifter*. The writer propofes, and ftrongly urges, many points of the utmoft importance to our confideration: but furely he declaims with too much acrimony against the conduct of the British Miniftry! Lefs intemperance of ftyle would certainly have had a better effect on the minds of moderate and candid readers, [fome fuch, it is hoped, there ftill are, even in these heated times,] and would, in courfe, have better anfwered the profeffed defirable end of this popular addrefs.-The writer figns J. F. and the reader is informed that Letter II. on the circumftances of the people of Great Britain relative to the prefent war, is in the prefs, and will be speedily published.'

Art. 30. Monarchy no Creature of God's making. Wherein is proved, by Scripture and Reafon, that Monarchial Government is against the Mind of God. By John Cooke, Efq. late of Gray's Inn. 8vo. pp. 112. 25. Eaton. 1794.

We have often heard of the divine right of kings: in this pamphlet we learn, for the first time, the divine right of republics, The author wrote the treatife in the last century, during the commonwealth. To the inquiry, Why has the parliament abolished the kingly office in England and Ireland? he replies, Becaufe God commanded them fa to do that it was not out of ambition of change, nor yet only for the eafe of the people, but from a divine precept. We fee no end likely to be answered by this re-publication; except it be to fhew that fanati cifm is an useful inftrument, which may be employed, at pleasure, in the fervice either of monarchy or democracy.

Art. 31. Thoughts on the Theory and Practice of the French Conftitution, In four Letters. 8vo. IS. Blamire. 1794..

The general defign of this tract is to fhew how dangerous are the new doctrines refpecting the fovereignty of the people.' Let us, fays

Among other crimes and enormities which this writer boldly charges on the Cabinet-conductors of the war, he intimates that this nation, once fo highly and honourably estimated on every part of the Continent, has incurred the indelible difgrace of, patronizing or permitting forgeries of the currency of France, to be carried on among us, for the purposes of depreciating her wealth, and swindling the trader of the Continent, friend or foe, out of his property.' He expatiates on the bafenefs of fuch conduct: but we think that he fhould not have even infinuated a charge of fo much infamy, against any NATION, without being able clearly to prove and establish the fact. We cannot believe it! The poffible guilt of individuals is a different queftion. There are forgers, and coiners of bale money, in mpft countries.

the