477 ing mutual forbearance and conciliation, he said; "A measure of this sort would produce harmony and consequent good in our public councils. The contrary will inevitably introduce confusion and serious mischiefs; and for what? Because mankind cannot think alike, but would adopt different means to attain the same ends. For I will frankly and solemnly declare, that I believe the views of both of you to be pure and well-meant, and that experience only will decide, with respect to the salutariness of the measures, which are the subjects of dispute. Why, then, when some of the best citizens in the United States, men of discernment, uniform and tried patriots, who have no sinister views to promote, but are chaste in their ways of thinking and acting, are to be found, some on one side and some on the other of the questions, which have caused these agitations, should either of you be so tenacious of your opinions, as to make no allowances for those of the other? I could, and indeed was about to add more on this interesting subject, but will forbear, at least for the present, after expressing a wish, that the cup, which has been presented to us, may not be snatched from our lips by a discordance of action, when I am persuaded there is no discordance in your views. I have a great, a sincere esteem and regard for you both, and ardently wish that some line may be marked out by which both of you could walk."

The two secother, both in

Unhappily this line was never found. retaries continued to diverge from each their political course and their private feelings, till their differences settled into a personal enmity, which neither the advice of friends could modify, nor time eradicate. This was the more lamented by Washington, as, according to his own declaration and the whole tenor of his intercourse, he had a sincere attachment to both

of them and confidence in their patriotic intentions, and as he foresaw the fatal consequences, which might result from a heated strife between men, whose talents and political consideration gave them so commanding an influence over the public will.*

The letters of Hamilton and Jefferson on this subject, and the merits of their controversy as explained by themselves, may be seen in Volume X. p. 515, Appendix.

CHAPTER XVIII.

Washington is elected President for a Second Term. - Takes the Oath of Office. Relations between the United States and France. - Opinions of the Cabinet. - Proclamation of Neutrality. - Party Divisions and Excitements. Genet received as Minister from France. His extraordinary Conduct. Democratic Societies. Washington's Opinion of these Societies, and on the Subject of instructing Representatives. Relations with England. - British Orders in Violation of Neutral Rights. Meeting of Congress. The President recommends Measures of Defence. - Character of Washington by Mr. Fox. - Letter from Lord Erskine. Commercial Affairs. Mr. Madison's Commercial Resolutions. Mr. Jay appointed Envoy Extraordinary to negotiate a Treaty with England. - Military Preparations. Insurrection in Pennsylvania. — Measures adopted by the President for suppressing it. Plan for redeeming the Public Debt.

WHEN the President's term of office, as prescribed by the Constitution, was drawing to a close, no little anxiety was felt and expressed, as to his willingness again to receive the suffrages of the people. The reluctance with which he had consented to the first election was so great, that it was feared he could not be prevailed upon to remain longer in public life. From his friends in different parts of the country he received early communications on the subject, urging him not to decide hastily, and, if possible, to reconcile himself to a second election. Three members of the cabinet, Jefferson, Hamilton, and Randolph, each wrote to him a long letter, containing reasons why it was of the utmost importance to his own reputation and to the public interests, that, for the present at least, he should not retire.

Each of these gentlemen drew a picture of the condition of the country, its future prospects, and the state of parties; and, although they differed radically concerning some of the principal measures of the adminis

tration, they agreed in opinion, that the character, influence, and steady hand of Washington were necessary to secure the stability of government, if not to preserve the nation from anarchy. Their language is strong, and shows the anxious concern with which the crisis was viewed by men of all parties.

"The confidence of the whole Union," said Jefferson, "is centred in you. Your being at the helm will be more than an answer to every argument, which can be used to alarm and lead the people in any quarter into violence or secession. North and south will hang together, if they have you to hang on; and, if the first corrective of a numerous representation should fail in its effect, your presence will give time for trying others not inconsistent with the union and peace of the States. I am perfectly aware of the oppression under which your present office lays your mind, and of the ardor with which you pant for retirement to domestic life. But there is sometimes an eminence of character on which society have such peculiar claims, as to control the predilection of the individual for a particular walk of happiness, and restrain him to that alone arising from the present and future benedictions of mankind. This seems to be your condition, and the law imposed on you by Providence, in forming your character, and fashioning the events on which it was to operate; and it is to motives like these, and not to personal anxieties of mine or others, who have no right to call on you for sacrifices, that I appeal from your former determination and urge a revisal of it, on the ground of change in the aspect of things. Should an honest majority result from the new and enlarged representation, should those acquiesce, whose principles or interests they may control, your wishes for retirement would be gratified with less danger, as soon as that shall be manifest,

without awaiting the completion of the second period of four years. One or two sessions will determine the crisis; and I cannot but hope, that you can resolve to add one or two more to the many years you have already sacrificed to the good of mankind."

Hamilton was equally strenuous and decided. "It is clear," said he, "that if you continue in office, nothing materially mischievous is to be apprehended; if you quit, much is to be dreaded; that the same motives, which induced you to accept originally, ought to decide you to continue till matters have assumed a more determinate aspect; that indeed it would have been better, as it regards your own character, that you had never consented to come forward, than now to leave the business unfinished and in danger of being undone; that, in the event of storms arising, there would be an imputation either of want of foresight or want of firmness; and, in fine, that on public and personal accounts, on patriotic and prudential considerations, the clear path to be pursued by you will be again to obey the voice of your country. I trust, and I pray God, that you will determine to make a further sacrifice of your tranquillity and happiness to the public good." Randolph spoke with the same urgency. "The fuel, which has been already gathered for combustion," he observed, "wants no addition. But how awfully might it be increased, were the violence, which is now suspended by a universal submission to your pretensions, let loose by your resignation. The constitution would never have been adopted, but from a knowledge that you had once sanctioned it, and an expectation that you would execute it. It is in a state of probation. The most inauspicious struggles are past, but the public deliberations need stability. You alone can give them stability. You suffered yourself to yield when

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