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employment of these fifteen hundred seamen ings and local interests should have been so would have executed the embargo! An embargo is a municipal regulation and can only be executed efficiently upon land. The great mass of violations was committed by vessels which cleared out for ports in the United States, but which sailed to foreign ports. In sailing from port to port it is impossible to sail in a direct line, and it would have been equally impossible to have framed instructions which would have enabled your naval officers to have executed the embargo. if they had had the physical power. But a part of the public vessels were in service, and were employed in the execution of that measure, and yet the gentleman from Virginia has not been able to show that any essential service has been rendered by them. Upon this view of the subject Mr. C. said he had voted against the employment of an additional number of seamen in 1809, and believing that the proposition now advocated by that gentleman was calculated to diminish and not to increase the means of annoying Great Britain on the ocean he should vote against it. In the year 1809, as well as upon the present question, he certainly believed he was right, and he had no doubt that the gentleman from Virginia then thought, and now thinks, that he is right.

strongly excited in the discussion of this question. The gentleman from New York (Mr. GERMAN) has asserted that the people of the Southern and Western States are decidedly hostile to commerce, and that their opposition to the proposition to build an additional number of frigates is the result of that hostility. It is highly important to investigate the truth of this assertion. Its refutation, if untrue, is imperiously demanded. That every well informed community understands its immediate interest, and is disposed to foster those measures which are calculated to promote that interest, are propositions which cannot be denied. The greatest amount of domestic articles exported from the United States in one year has been about $49,000,000. The single article of cotton has constituted about $14,000,000 of that amount, and that article is cultivated only in the three Southern States, the State of Tennessee, and the two Southern Territories. A considerable portion of North Carolina and Tennessee does not cultivate cotton for exportation, but those States export a considerable amount of other articles,* the precise amount of which cannot be ascertained, but there can be no danger of contradiction in hazarding the assertion that the same number of people in any other part of the Union do not furnish the same amount of do

merce, the annual sum of $14,000,000 in the article of cotton alone, estimated at a fair price, would be lost to that part of the inhabitants of the Southern States which is employed in the cultivation of cotton.

Who are the most interested in commerce, the growers of the articles, the exchange and trans

The honorable gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. LLOYD) thinks that nothing has been done by the Government for commerce, whilst com-mestic articles for exportation. Without com. merce has done everything for the nation; that commerce has paid into the public Treasury $200,000,000. If it is contended that this sum has been paid exclusively by commerce, nothing can be more incorrect. The money collected from imposts and duties is paid by the consumer of merchandise upon which the duties are imposed. It is collected immediately from the mer-portation of which constitutes commerce, or the chant, and ultimately from the nation. The only money paid into the Treasury which can justly be placed to the exclusive credit of commerce, is the sum retained by the Government upon debentures, which is only 7-10ths of one per cent. upon goods paying a duty of twenty per cent. ad valorem, and has never amounted to $400,000 in any one year. The export of foreign productions from the United States in the year 1807, exceeded $59,000,000, and the sum paid into the Treasury that year on account of drawbacks was about $390,000, which is the greatest amount received from that source of revenue since the organiza-prosperous or adverse state of commerce, than tion of the Government.

The duty upon tonnage, like the duty imposed on merchandise, is paid by the consumer or grower of the cargoes transported by the ship-holders, of whom this duty is immediately collected. The ultimate payment of this duty by the grower or consumer will depend upon the relative demand for, and supply of the articles in the market to which they are exported. If the demand for the article is greater than the quantity in the market, it is paid by the consumer; if the supply exceeds the demand, it is paid by the grower, in the form of a reduction of the price of the article equal to the duty imposed.

factors and freighters employed in the exchange. and transportation of those articles? Can any man doubt for one moment that the growers, the rightful owners of the articles to be exchanged, are more deeply interested in commerce than the merchant and ship-holder, who only make a profit from the sale and transportation of the articles exchanged? If the profit they derive from commerce should be so enormous as to exceed the original value of those articles in the hands of the growers, still, it can be demonstrated that the interest of the latter is more vitally affected by a

that of the merchant or ship-holder. The merchant will be regulated in the price which he gives to the grower by the state of the market and the price of transportation to the market. Let the price be what it may in foreign markets, the merchant is regulated by it, and can only be affected by sudden changes in those markets which may be prejudicial or advantageous to him. It is a matter of small moment to him

*There can be no doubt that the surplus productions of those States amount to one-third of the domestic exports of the United States, and their representation is less than one-fifth of that of the United

It is a subject of lasting regret that local feel-States.

MARCH, 1812.

Increase of the Navy.

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whether the articles in which he deals bring a ple, the great mass of agriculturists in the United high or low price in the market to which they States, never had, and never can have any direct are sent, if that price is not variable, because he interest it. The farmer of the Eastern and Midwill regulate the price he gives for them by the dle States, and the planter of the Southern and price which he can obtain. But the price which Western States, stand in the same relation to this those articles will bring in the market to which commerce. Whether it be prosperous or adverse, they are sent, is all important to the grower, be- is a matter of small concern to them, and nothcause it will regulate the price which he is to re- ing but an effort of pure, disinterested patriotism ceive for them beyond the power of his control. could induce them to jeopardize the peace and Every circumstance which tends to destroy com-happiness of the nation, and stake the prosperity petition and reduce the number of markets to of the direct commerce of the country, for the which our produce is sent, vitally affects the protection of this mushroom commerce. This interest of the grower. The planter, the farmer, trade, which was carried on chiefly in the prois, therefore, more deeply interested in the pros-ductions of the French and Spanish colonies, perity of that commerce which finds a market was almost eradicated in 1805 by the decisions of for the annual surplus productions of his indus- the British Court of Admiralty, which establishtry, than the merchant or ship-holder. This directed the principle that neutrals should prosecute no commerce is indispensable to the internal growth trade in time of war which they did not enjoy and improvement of the country, and to the com- in peace. This decision did not affect the direct fort and happiness of the people, and, more so to commerce of the nation. That commerce in the people of the Southern and Western States which the agriculturist, the farmer, and the plantthan any other part of the United States. Sir, er, has so deep an interest, was prosecuted as sucwe are not so grossly ignorant as to mistake our cessfully as though this decision had never been interest in this matter. We know that, without made. But an acquiescence in this principle of commerce, without a market for the surplus pro- the British Government, asserted and promulgaductions of our labor, we should be deprived of ted through its Courts of Admiralty, would have many of those articles which long habit has made been an abandonment of the colonial carrying necessary to our ease and comfort. If, then, we trade, which had been so extensively prosecuted are not grossly ignorant of our true interest, by our commercial cities during the present Eunothing can be more unfounded than the accusa- ropean war. As a neutral nation, we had a right tion of the gentleman from New York (Mr. GER- to prosecute this trade, however deeply it might MAN.) The charge must be the result of igno- affect the interest of either of the belligerent narance or prejudice. Mr. C. said he would not tions. That the extensive prosecution of this follow the example of that gentleman by saying, trade deeply affected the interest of Great Britain "perhaps this prejudice might be an honest pre- cannot be denied. It impoverished her West Injudice." No, he would not insult the feelings of dia planters, and cherished and promoted the prosthat gentleman; he would not question his vera-perity of those of France and Spain, with whom city or integrity by stating hypothetically," that perhaps his opinions were honest." Whilst he repelled this unfounded charge in the manner which its nature imperiously demanded, he had no hesitation in admitting that the opinions of that gentlemen, whether the result of prejudice or of ignorance, were strictly honest. Mr. C. said there was no man in the nation more friendly to that commerce which he had described than he was, and that no part of the nation cherished it with more ardor than that which he in part had the honor to represent on this floor. But, sir, there is a commerce which has been prosecuted to a very great extent by the commercial capitalists of the United States, for the prosperity of which the agricultural part of the nation do not feel the same solicitude.

she was at war. The merchants of the United States, under our system of drawbacks, were enabled to undersell the British merchants in foreign markets. The productions of the French and Spanish West Indies, through our agency, found a profitable market, to the almost total exclusion of those of Great Britain. It appears by a report made to the British House of Commons several years ago, that the best managed estate in Jamaica did not yield more than seven per cent., and that the average produce of estates in that island did not exceed three-and-a-half per cent. The committee which made this report to the House of Commons, ascribe the unproductiveness of the West India estates to the commerce which the American merchants carried on in the productions of their enemies' colonies, to the total In the year 1807, the United States exported exclusion of the productions of the British West upwards of $59,000,000 of foreign productions. India islands from the markets of the continent of This commerce has no connexion with or de- Europe. Among the remedies proposed for that pendence upon the annual surplus productions of evil by the committee is, the exclusion of the the country, which is the only commerce that es- American merchants, not simply from this com sentially promotes domestic industry and multi-merce, but from all commerce with their enemies' plies the domestic comforts of the great mass of the people. This commerce, which is the legitimate offspring of war, and expires with the first dawning of peace, is prosecuted principally by our commercial cities to the east and north of the Potomac. The landholders, the country peo

colonies, even for home consumption. Against the decision made by their Courts of Admiralty in 1805, which was intended to give the British merchants the exclusive right of vending West India productions in the Continental markets, the American merchants in the principal commercial cit

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Increase of the Navy.

MARCH, 1812.

ies most solemnly protested, and presented me-ing trade, with the whole world, except to Great morials to Congress, in which they represented Britain and the few ports then open to her vessels. the direful effects it was calculated to produce. These orders were the result of the pressure made They stated that their warehouses were full of upon her Councils by the merchants trading to West India productions, which must perish on the West Indies, and the inhabitants of those their hands unless the British Government could islands; or they were the result of a mean and be induced to abandon this principle: they pro- sordid jealousy of the commercial prosperity of posed a special mission, and pledged themselves the United States. If they were the result of to support any measure the Government should the first cause assigned, the contest now about to adopt for vindication of this right, so essential to be waged will be undertaken wholly on account their interest. A special mission was sent. of the commercial part of the nation; because Shortly after this event the Berlin decree was the agriculturist, in whatever part of the United promulgated, and the British Ministry seized States he may reside, whether in the Eastern upon it as a pretext, not simply to enforce the and Middle or Southern and Western States, has no principle established in their Courts of Admi- interest in the colonial carrying trade. If the secralty, that neutrals should prosecute no trade in ond cause assigned should be the true one, we have war which they did not enjoy in peace; but that only to ascertain which of the States are princineutrals should not trade with any port or place pally agricultural, and which are principally from which their vessels were excluded, unless commercial, to determine upon whose account they should first enter a British port and pay tri- the intended war is to be prosecuted. The conbute, under the denomination of transit duties. test then which we are about to commence, as Thus, by contending for the right of trade in the already stated, is the result of the colonial carryproductions of the belligerent colonies; by insist- ing trade, or it is the result of the commercial ing to be the carriers of France and Spain and jealousy of Great Britain; it is, therefore, a contheir colonies, when they were unable to carry test rendered necessary by the injustice of Great for themselves, we have jeopardized the general Britain, to which injustice she has been excited commerce of the nation-we have sacrificed that by the pursuits and interests of the commercial commerce which is essential to the internal cities in the Middle and Eastern States, and not growth and improvement of the country, and to by those of the Southern and Western States. the comfort and happiness of the people. And yet, If this contest is now given up-dishonorably sir, we are told that we have done nothing for abandoned-the disgrace of that abandonment, commerce; that we have ruined commerce; nay, and the total exclusion from the colonial carry sir, we are upbraided by the gentleman from New ing trade consequent thereon, must rest upon the York, (Mr. GERMAN,) with having intended to Eastern gentlemen. Let them consider of it; let ruin it, and that the people of the Southern and them abandon it at their peril. Once abandoned Western States are radically hostile to the pros- by those exclusively interested in it, we shall perity of commerce. If, sir, we would take the not again be lightly induced to jeopardize the trouble of examining this subject rationally, the direct commerce of the nation, by engaging in a charge of hostility to commerce would never be contest where we have everything to lose, and reiterated against the Southern and Western nothing to gain-a contest to which, under such States. There is no possible point of collision circumstances, we shall be impelled neither by between those States and Great Britain. What interest or honor, and in the prosecution of which is the summit of our wishes in relation to com-we shall have just reason to apprehend the demerce? A good market for the surplus produc- fection of those for whose benefit it would be tions of our labor. What nation furnishes us with the most extentive and suitable market for this surplus? Great Britain. From whom do we receive the supply of articles which habit has made necessary to our comfort? From Great Britain. The benefits resulting from the intercourse between the United States, and especially the Southern and Western States, and that nation, when conducted upon just and liberal principles, are strictly reciprocal.

undertaken.

The honorable gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. LLOYD) has presented for the consideration of the Senate, a comparative statement of the land and naval force necessary for the prosecution of a war with Great Britain. The statements and arguments of that gentleman are entitled to great weight, but there is just reason to doubt the correctness of his calculations in the present case. He has supposed that the regular Where is the point of collision between the force and volunteers, making together eighty-five Southern and Western States and Great Britain? thousand, will cost the nation annually $45,000,None. That point is to be found alone in the 000. It is believed that this estimate must be Eastern and Middle States. The principle that incorrect, because the estimate for ten thousand neutrals should enjoy no trade in war not per- men for the present year is less than $3,000,000. mitted in peace, did not affect the Southern and Admitting, then, that eighty-five thousand men Western States; it almost exclusively affected will be kept in service the whole year, the exthe commercial cities to the north and east of pense, according to this estimate, will not exceed the Potomac. The principle gave way to, or $26,000,000; and there is strong reason to conrather was merged in the Orders in Council of fide in their accuracy, because it is believed the November, 1807, which alike destroyed the direct estimates of this department have never been commerce of the country, and the colonial carry-deficient. But it is not expected, or believed,

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will have the aggregate sum of $86,580,000, instead of the sum of $39,852,000 as estimated by that gentleman.

But there is just reason to believe that the estimates now presented are under, rather than over the truth. The estimates of that department have frequently been deficient, and extraordinary appropriations have several times been made to supply those deficiencies. The allowance for repairs, it is believed, will be found to be wholly insufficient in time of peace, and much more so in war. In December, 1809, the head of that department stated that the vessels then in service had been so thoroughly repaired, that in the opinion of practical men they were greatly superior to what they were when first launched, and that in consequence thereof, $150,000 would be sufficient to keep them in repair for one year. At the end of the year, however, it appeared $410,000 had been expended in repairs, notwithstanding their great superiority to new vessels.

that any large proportion of the volunteers will be called into service at any one time, or remain long in service when called upon. It is, therefore, not probable that the land service will cost the nation more than $15,000,000, because the regular force, if kept in service the whole year, will not require an expenditure of more than $11,000,000, and it is believed that the volunteers and militia who may be called into service will not cost the nation more than $4,000,000. The calculations of the honorable gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. LLOYD,) relative to the Navy, are liable to objections of a different nature. He estimates the present naval force of the United States as equal to ten stout frigates, and the expense of building twenty frigates of thirty-six guns at $3,420,000. The annual expense of thirty frigates he estimates at $3,060,000. The estimates of the War Department are not relied upon by the honorable gentleman, notwithstanding the history of that department entitles them to the fullest credit, while the estimates of the Mr. President: The estimates which have been Navy Department are implicitly received by taken as the basis of my calculation, can be demhim, notwithstanding the history of that depart-onstrated to be less than what they must be in ment, from its organization to the present day, time of war. In the year 1809, $175,000 were proves conclusively that they cannot be safely transferred from the article of provisions to those relied on. That the estimates of that depart- of repairs, freight, and other contingent expenses, ment, upon which the honorable gentleman has when the whole amount of the appropriations founded his calculations, are not entitled to im- for provisions was only $567,000. In the year plicit faith, can be clearly demonstrated. The 1810, $150,000 were transferred from provisions vessels in service in the year 1808 carried one to repairs, when the whole sum appropriated for hundred and sixty-two guns, and cost the nation that object was $353,610, and $110,000 were $1,056,872, which is at the rate of $6,520 per transferred from the pay to the repair of vessels gun. At this rate of expense, thirty frigates of also, when the appropriation for that object was thirty-six guns would cost the nation annually $718,115. These facts prove beyond the possi $7,041,880. In 1809, we had three hundred and bility of doubt, that the number of men authorfifty-four guns in service, which cost $2,816,129, ized to be employed were neither fed or paid, which is $7,736 per gun. At this rate of expense and consequently were not employed. But in the thirty frigates would annually cost $8,354,- time of war, the full complement of men must 880. In 1812, the estimates are for three hun- be employed, and the article of repairs, which in dred and fifty-six guns, and the expense is esti- time of peace has so greatly exceeded the estimated at $2,504,669, which is $7,035 per gun. mates, must in time of war, if they perform any At this rate of expense the thirty frigates would service, be'swelled to an amount vastly beyond cost annually $7,597,800. The estimates of these that estimated by the honorable gentleman from years have been resorted to because they were Massachusetts, (Mr. L.) The expense of a navy the only estimates which were at my lodgings. of thirty frigates, according to the actual expense The average annual expense of a gun during of that department already incurred, cannot be these three years has been $7,130, and the annual safely estimated at less than $10,000,000 annually. expense of the thirty frigates would accordingly The honorable gentleman thinks that a naval be $7,700,400, instead of $3,060,000, as estimated force of thirty frigates employed in the destrucby the honorable gentleman from Massachusetts, tion of the enemy's commerce would make her (Mr. LLOYD.) That gentlem in estimates the calculate-would bring her to terms. Mr. C. annual cost of repairs at 12 per cent., and the said if he could believe this he most certainly whole expense of thirty frigates for ten years, in-would vote for the proposition; but believing cluding the original cost of building twenty new ones, at $39,852,000. The thirty frigates, according to the average expense of three years of peace, actually incurred, will cost the nation in ten years $77,004,000, to which add the cost of the twenty new frigates, and twelve per cent. annually on that sum, and on the cost of those now in service estimated at half that amount, and you

that every seaman employed in the public vessels would be a diminution of that force by which the enemy was to be most vitally_assailed, he was constrained to vote against it. The honorable gentleman from Kentucky has said, if thirty frigates can bring Great Britain to terms, why has not the Emperor of France brought her to terms, as he is able to send out one hundred of such frigates. If the gentleman from Massathe means, and no man doubts that he cherishes chusetts (Mr. L) is right, Bonaparte possesses the disposition, to annoy his enemy so as to bring

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her to terms.

Increase of the Navy.

But he has failed in all of his attempts, and would no doubt fail were he to make this.

MARCH, 1812.

States, which made it extremely hazardous for our privateers to approach our own coasts, or enter our own harbors. It is expected that our situation will be very different in the event of war at this time. Instead of possessing the principal ports of the United States we expect to expel them from the whole of their continental possessions in our neighborhood. If this should be the result of the war, their means of annoying our commerce, and of destroying our privateers, will be greatly diminished, and their power of protecting their commerce from the depredations of our privateers will suffer an equal diminution.

The use proposed to be made of these frigates, if built, certainly meets my approbation. The idea of protecting our commerce by a naval force, which has been pressed with so much vehemence by some of our navy gentlemen, is worse than visionary. A navy can injure commerce, but cannot afford it protection, unless it annihilates the naval force of the adverse nation. Unless, therefore, we have the means of creating and supporting a naval force able to contend successfully with the British navy for the empire of the seas, we must abandon all idea of protecting Mr. C. said that his friend from Kentucky, in our commerce against that nation. Great Britain, the discussion of this question, had taken a view with her thousand ships of war, is unable to pro- of the taxes which were intended to be imposed in teet her commerce even in sight of her own the event of war. Every measure of additional coasts. According to my understanding of the expense at the present time involves, at least in views of the honorable gentlemen, these thirty contemplation, the idea of additional taxes; but frigates are to be employed in destroying the he should have been glad if this incidental view commerce of the enemy, and not in fighting her of that subject had been omitted by his honorable public armed vessels. They are in fact to be friend, who, notwithstanding his objections, innational privateers. In this point of view, the tends to vote for such of those taxes as the exiproposition to cashier the officer who should gencies of the nation shall require. Some of his strike the American flag seems to be at war with observations appeared calculated to make an unthe nature of their employment. They are to favorable impression upon the public mind, against direct their efforts to the destruction of merchant internal taxation; although he was convinced vessels, and to avoid collision with the ships of that the honorable gentleman did not intend war. It is to be apprehended that men, whose them to have that effect. If we engage in war, duty it is to avoid serious conflicts with the these taxes will be necessary, and it will be a enemy, will grow timid from habit, and will re- subject of deep regret if they should be rendered sist but feebly when inevitably forced into them. more objectionable by the observations of those The character of the naval officers of the United who feel the necessity of imposing them. The States makes a regulation of this kind wholly direct and internal taxes imposed during Mr. unnecessary. Their enterprise, their courage, Adams's administration were certainly unpopular. and intrepidity, are too well established to re- But, Mr. C. said, he had always understood that quire a regulation of such severity. As then the they were so, because they were believed to be gentleman does not intend to dispute the sover- unnecessary, and because they were imposed in eignty even of our own seas with our expected the most objectionable form. The measures of enemy with this naval force, but intends to em- expense adopted by that Administration made ploy it in the destruction of merchant vessels, an those taxes necessary; but it was believed that increase of that force appears to me to be wholly the expensive measures then adopted were not unnecessary and impolitic. Individual enterprise, required by the actual state of affairs. The nadirected by individual interest, will more effectu-tion disapproved of the object, for the attainment ally destroy the commerce of the enemy, than any number of frigates in the power of this Government to build and employ. The Baltimore Federal Republican states that a French If war is now thought to be necessary by the privateer in the Atlantic ocean has captured nation, we ought not to doubt for a moment that about thirty merchant vessels, and that the im- the people will willingly furnish the means nepression made by this single privateer was so cessary for its vigorous and successful prosecuserious that thirteen vessels, several of which tion. If there is not a sufficiency of good sense were frigates, were employed in cruising for her. and patriotism in the nation to submit to the imThe truth of this statement may be relied on, positions necessary for the successful execution because that paper is not in the habit of exagger-of those measures which have been adopted purating French successes, or of aggravating British suant to their wishes, and for the protection of sufferings. But it is said, that although our pri- their rights, then indeed our rights and liberty vateers were successful at the commencement of are but empty names-the idea of our free and the Revolutionary War, before the conclusion of happy Government, an idle phantom! Whenever that contest they were entirely destroyed. Ad- the fact shall be demonstrated, the preservation mitting the fact to be true, it does not necessarily of our Constitution, and the integrity of the follow that such will be the result of the war Union, will not be worth a struggle. But, until now in contemplation. After the first years of it is demonstrated, its possibility ought not to be that contest, the British forces were in possession admitted, and will not be admitted by the Naof the principal ports and harbors of the United | tional Legislature.

of which those expensive measures were adopted, and consequently were opposed to the additional taxes which were imposed at that time.