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the South would entertain an opposite wish for United States has full power to settle the unan opposite reason. By the resolution of annex- decided boundaries. He admitted that it was ation, slavery was interdicted in all the coun- a delicate power, and it ought to be exercised try north of 36 deg. 30 min. There is, there in a spirit of justice, liberality, and generosity fore, boundary and slave territory mixed to- towards the youngest member of the grea: gether in the settlement of this perplexity. American family. He thought that if CorThe state of things now existing in New gress should fix a boundary, which, in the Mexico renders it necessary that we decide opinion of Texas, was adverse to her rights, it this matter the present session. There is a was possible the question might be carried feeling approximating to abhorrence on the into the Supreme Court, for a new adjudicapart of the people of New Mexico, at the idea tion-he, however, conceived there were cerof any union with Texas. If these questions tain matters too momentous for any tribunal are not settled, I think they will give rise to of that kind to try. He alluded to the fifteen future confusion there, and agitation here. millions paid for territory. Texas cannot The Wilmot Proviso will still be insisted on fairly come into the Union, and claim all that in the North, and we shall absolutely have she has asserted a right to, without paying done nothing, if we fail to provide against the some portion of the sum which constituted the recurrence of these dangers. He read an ex- consideration of the grant by the ceding natract from the instructions to their Delegate to tion. She talks about the Government of the Congress, adopted by the Convention of the United States being her agent, but she was no Territory of New Mexico, held at the city of more her agent, than she was the agent of the Santa Fé, in September, 1849. The extract twenty-nine other States. Mr. CLAY then sets forth the deplorable condition of the coun- urged that what he proposed as the boundary, try, from want of an efficient government, was liberal, and gave Texas a vast country to which government they represented as unde- which she could not establish any undisputed fined and doubtful in its character, and they title—a country, almost equal in extent to what looked to the Congress of the United States she actually possessed before, and large enough for effectual protection against all the ills they to form two or three additional States. In complain of. After dwelling at some length addition, he proposed to pay off not less than on the necessity of furnishing the people of three millions of the debt of Texas, that acNew Mexico with a government, and taking crued before she came into the Union. Inthem under Congressional protection, he di- deed, he thought the United States should, in rected his argument entirely to the boundary justice, pay the debt for which Texas had of Texas. He alleged that the western and pledged her custom's revenues, when she was northern borders were unsettled at the period authorized so to do by virtue of her soverof annexation, and quoted the resolution of eignty; and the Government of the United annexation in proof, which says: “said State States, having appropriated those revenues to to be formed, subject to the adjustment of all itself, as a just power, was bound to pay the questions of boundary that may arise with debt for which those duties were assigned. other Governments, and the Constitution there- He concluded this part of his argument by of," &c. That is to say, she was annexed expressing a conviction that all the motives with her rightful boundaries, without a speci- he presented to Texas were so liberal, that fication of them; but inasmuch as the boun- he should be greatly disappointed if the peodaries at the west and north were unsettled, ple of that State themselves, when they come the Government of the United States retained to deliberate, hesitated a moment to accept the to itself the power of deciding with any foreign offers. nation what the boundary should be. Sup- Mr. Clay contended that Congress possesspose, said he, that at the conclusion of the ed the constitutional right to abolish slavery war, the negotiations between Mexico and the in the District of Columbia, and he quoted United States had been confined to fixing the that part of the constitution which gives to northern and western boundaries of Texas, Congress "exclusive legislation" over it. The could not the two countries have done it con- power exists somewhere. “Suppose," said jointly? Whatever may have been the boun- he, " that slavery was abolished in Maryland, dary decided on, if it had been the Neuces, or in all the States of the Union, is there then or even the Colorado, on the west, by the very no power to abolish slavery here, or is it terms of the annexing resolutions, Texas would planted here to all eternity, without the poshave been bound by the decision. He then sibility of the exercise of any legislative power argued that if the two nations could have thus for its abolition? It cannot be vested in Maryadjusted the limits, the United States is land, because the power with which Congress competent now to do it alone, for she has ac- is invested is exclusive. Maryland, therefore, quired, by the treaty, all the rights which cannot do it, and so all the other States of the Mexico possessed in that territory, which Union, individually, cannot do it. The power must form its western and northern borders. is here or it is nowhere.” He reviewed the Mr. Clay insisted, at some length, that the course he took in 1838, and showed that the ground he took then was consistent with his kind with horror and indignation ? This is present position. But when Virginia and an object in which both the free and the slave Maryland ceded the District to the General States should unite, and which one side as Government, there was an implied understand well as the other should rejoice in effecting, as ing that the subject would not be interfered with it would lessen one of the causes of inquietwithout their consent. Congress, therefore, ude which is connected with this District. cannot, without the forfeiture of all those ob- He then took up the next resolution, and ligations of honor which men of honor and declared that he would go as far as him who nations of honor respect, disturb the insti- went the farthest for this clause of the Constitution of slavery in the District of Columbia. tution. He held that the Constitution requiBy the retrocession, however, of so much of red every man to assist in recovering fugitive the ten miles square as belonged to Virginia, slaves; and the obligation was especially bindMaryland is the only State now that we are ing, as in cases of fugitives from justicebound to consult. If Maryland should give upon all officers of the several States, who her consent, the consent of the people residing had taken an oath to support the Constitution in the District should also be obtained, and of the United States. The Constitution apthis being given, then the owners of slaves plies precisely the same language to both have the right to look for compensation. These classes of fugitives. He then alluded to a are the three conditions of the resolution: recent decision of the Supreme Court, and There is a clause in one of the amendments of said he thought that that decision had been the Constitution, which declares that no private misapprehended. The true meaning was that property shall be taken for public use without any State laws which acted as an impediment to just compensation being made to the owner. the recovery of fugitive slaves were contrary Literally, he said, it may be that the property to the Constitution. It is, however, only fulwould not be taken for the public use, but it filling the duties imposed by the Constitution, would be taken in consideration of a policy for States to enact laws which may afford and purpose adopted by the public, and, by facilities for the more perfect observance of a liberal interpretation of the clause, it ought the obligations imposed by the Federal fundato be so far regarded as taken for the public mental law. He thought that the whole class as to demand compensation. If it is denied of legislation, beginning in the Northern that this clause is a restriction on Congress, States, and extending to some of the Western, then is there no restriction of any kind, except by which obstructions have been placed in the great one of the obligation of justice. The the way of recovering fugitive slaves, is unNorth have the Constitution in their favor- constitutional. He then referred to the diffithe South have expediency and honor in theirs. culties and losses of Kentucky in consequence The resolution asks of both parties to forbear of living contiguous to Ohio. He believed urging their respective opinions--the one to that the slave States had just cause of comthe exclusion of the other, but it concedes to plaint on this score. It is no mark of good the South all that the South ought to de- neighborhood, of kindness, or of courtesy, mand, insomuch as it requires such a condition that a man living in a slave State cannot as amounts to an absolute security for pro- now, with any sort of safety, travel in the perty in slaves in the District, and which will free States with his servants. On this subprobably make the existence of slavery in the ject, the legislation of the free States, within District co-eval with its existence in any of the last twenty years, has altered greatly for the States out of and beyond it. He then in- the worse. There used to be laws guaransisted that the slave trade ought to be abolish- tying to the sojourner the possession of his ed. The introduction of slaves in Kentucky, property during his temporary abode or pasMississippi, and in many other of the States, sage in a State, when there was no intention of is prohibited. It is a right belonging to each residing permanently in the Commonwealth. State. It also belongs, in an equal degree, to He complained strongly of this unkindness, the United States in the District, and there and alluded to circumstances that had occurred had been, he said, no time in his public life in his own family. The existing law for the when he was not willing to concur in the ab- recovery of fugitive slaves being found inadeolition of the slave trade in the District. Why quate, he thought it was incumbent on Conshould slave-traders, who buy their slaves in gress to do something to remove this subject Maryland or Virginia come here with them in of complaint by making the law more effecorder to transport them further South? Why tive. are the feelings of citizens here outraged by But, said he, I do not think that the States, the scenes exhibited, and the corteges which as States, ought to be responsible for all the pass along our avenues of manacled human misconduct of individuals, and the doctrines beings brought from the distant parts of neigh- they propagate, unless the State itself adopts boring States? Who is there having a heart the doctrines. He then referred to the circumthat does not contemplate a spectacle of that stances under which Massachusetts repealed



her laws for the restitution of slaves, and he would follow in less than sixty days, (in conconsidered it was an act of retaliation, be- sequence of the border difficulties respecting cause an agent of the State, Mr. Hoar, had fugitive slaves,) in every part of this now been driven from Charleston, whither he had happy and peaceable land. It was his opinion gone to protect the rights of negroes from that, in the event of a separation, we should Massachusetts, whom she regarded as citizens. begin with at least three distinct Confedera

After making a remark or two on the last cies, -one of the North, one of the Southern resolution, Mr. Clay sketched a history of the Atlantic slave-holding States, and a ConfedeMissouri compromise, and of the agency he racy of the Valley of the Mississippi ; and, subhad had in effecting that important measure. sequently, there would be many more growing Then, as now, the Union seemed to be in dan- out of these. He concluded his speech in the ger, and now, as then, all difficulties may be following patriotic and thrilling strain : settled, if men will only allow cool reason and

Sir, I have said that I thought there was no judgment to rule. He then drew a glowing

right on the part of one or more States to secede picture of the growth and grandeur of the

from the Union. I think so. The constitution of country—of its wonderful increase in popula- the United States was made not merely for the gention and in all the elements of power, and of eration that then existed, but for posterity-unlimits successful wars. “Sir," he said, “our ited, undefined, endless, perpetual posterity. And prosperity is unbounded; nay, I sometimes every State that then came into the Union, and fear that it is in the wantonness of that pros- every State that has since come into the Union, perity that many of the threatening ills of the came into it binding itself by indissoluble bands to moment have arisen; there is a restlessness remain within the Union itself, and to remain withexisting among us which I fear will require in it by its posterity forever. the chastisement of Heaven to bring us back

“ Mr. President: I have said, what I solemnly to a sense of the immeasurable benefits and believe, that dissolution of the Union and war are blessings which have been bestowed upon us

identical and inevitable; that they are convertible by Providence. At this moment—with the

terms; and such a war as it would be following

a dissolution of the Union ! exception of here and there a particular de

Look at all history-consult her pages, anpartment in the manufacturing business of

cient or modern-look at human nature ; look at our country-all is prosperity and peace, and

the character of the contest in which you would the nation is rich and powerful, and if it does be engaged in the supposition of war following not awe, it commands the respect of the pow. upon the dissolution of the Union, such as I have ers of the earth, with whom we come in con- suggested ; and I ask you if it is possible for you to tact.” He then pointed to the history of the doubt that the final disposition of the whole would great public measures of the country, and be some despot treading down the liberties of the showed that Southern influence had generally people--the final result would be the extinction of prevailed in the councils of the nation; and this last and glorious light which is leading all the three great acquisitions of territory, those mankind, who are gazing upon it, in the hope and of Louisiana, of Florida, and of Texas, have

anxious expectation that the liberty which prevails almost wholly redounded to the benefit of the

here will sooner or later be diffused thoughout the South. The South have no reason to complain,

whole civilized world. Sir, can you lightly con

template these consequences ? Can you yield as they have constantly been the gainers, and

yourself to the tyranny of passion, amidst dangers now, after all this, "I put it,” said he, “to

which I have depicted in colors far too tame, of the hearts of my countrymen of the South, if what the result would be if that direful event to it is right to press matters to the dieastrous

which I have referred should ever occur? Sir, I consequences--extending to a dissolution of implore gentlemen, I adjure them, whether from the Union-which have been indicated, on the South or the North, by all that they hold dear this very morning, on the presentation of cer- in this world-by all their love of liberty—by all tain resolutions ? If the Union is dissolved, their veneration for their ancestors—by all their for any existing cause, it will be because regard for posterity—by all their gratitude to Him slavery is not allowed in the ceded territories, who has bestowed on them such unnumbered and or because it is threatened to be abolished in countless blessings—by all the duties which they the district of Columbia, or because fugitive

owe to mankind and by all the duties which they slaves are not restored to their masters. If

owe to themselves, to pause, solemnly to pause at

the edge of the precipice, before the fearful and danthe Union is dissolved, can you of the South

gerous leap is taken into the yawning abyss below, carry slavery into California and New Mexico ?

from which none who ever take it shall return in You cannot dream of such an occurrence.

safety. Are you in any way benefitted by the separa- Finally, Mr. President, and in conclusion, I tion? Where one slave escapes now, hun- implore, as the best blessing which Heaven can dreds and thousands would escape, if the bestow upon me upon earth, that if the direful and Union were dissevered. War and dissolution sad event of the dissolution of this Union is to hapare identical and inevitable. If the Union pen, that I shall not survive to behold the sad and were dissolved by mutual consent, still war heart-rending spectacle."



Nemoirs of the Life of William Wirt : By self were so far indefinite as to give each section of

JOHN P. KENNEDY, Philadelphia : Lee & his party hopes of finding it an easy matter to Blanchard.

comply with his taste, in respect to measures. Old

democrats and federalists were united in his cabiThe fact of a second edition of these instructive volumes being called for, sufficiently indicates the

net, without any visible contrariety of position. It standing which they deserve so well, and have so

was an era of surrender and compromise of old rapidly taken in the estimation of the public. It antipathies, with an implied promise of silence, for

the future, on old topics. By-gones were to be is surprising that so few memoirs of the distin

by-gones. The destination of the party was to be guished American contemporaries of William

settled hereafter. Its principles and measures were Wirt have been published. This kind of literature, 80 successful in France, would be eminently so in

to be left to the chapter of accidents. For the

present, all differences were submerged beneath this country, where so many great names, endeared

the General's unbounded popularity. This was to the people, still await the labors of the biogra

the condition of that new party, which had just pher, and where writers are to be found, like the

overthrown a political domination of twenty-eight present editor, so fully competent to the task.

years, and which was fated itself to be overthrown The career of William Wirt is that of a highly successful lawyer. It does not abound in incident.

in twenty years more.” But the high station he filled, his popularity at the bar, the important causes in which his eloquence Roland Cashel. By CHARLES LEVER. With Ilwas displayed, and his correspondence with the lustrations by Puiz. New York: Harper &

Brothers. greatest men of the nation, would make his life interesting, even from a pen much less qualified The author of Charles O'Malley is the last perthan that of John P. Kennedy. For the sake of

son from whose pen we should have expected a giving an idea of this writer's style, we will ex- work like Roland Cashel. Heretofore he has tract a short passage on the birth of the democratic

generally been content to let his fancy run riot party—so called of late years a party, which

among those scenes peculiar to Ireland, which he now offers a fair field for the labors of the histori

is so well competent to describe. The slightest an, since its rise, its progress, and its fall, belong thread of fiction was, in his hands, a sufficient to a not very distant past, and furnish those requi

canvas for the rich embroidery of anecdote and sites of a full and complete action, which are deem- fun which his well siored memory and his epied necessary for the effect of a narrative :

grammatic genius readily supplied. In the novel “ The election terminated in favor of General

now before us he has taken a somewhat loftier Jackson. He was inaugurated President of the

aim. He has adopted the artifice of an intricato United States, on the 4th of March, 1829. On

plot, whose developments, apart from details, are this day, the democratic party, which had been

sufficient to interest and excite the reader. Bepredominant in the administration of the affairs of sides, he has kept in view a moral truth, whose ilthe general government for twenty-eight years,

lustration forms the graver object of the work. surrendered its power into the hands of that new

His conception is to show a young man, every party, which had been brought together by the

way qualified to be an ornament of society, sudpopularity of the hero of New Orleans. The new

denly acquiring enormous wealth, and becoming a party was a miscellaneous one. It embraced all

member of the proprietary aristocracy of Ireland that portion of the federalists who were anxious to

-a young man, thus qualified and situated, and come into power,-by no means a small host.

who, nevertheless, and in spite of the best intenIt absorbed a large number of the young politi- tions in the world, turns the blessing into a curse cians, who had grown up to manhood during for others, as well as himself, and wholly neglects the period of General Jackson's military career. the high trust reposed in him, and this through It attracted and embodied such portions of the

sheer ignorance of the real duties and responsimasses of the people, as conceived the chief ma

bilities attendant upon wealth. In making his gistracy to be an appropriate reward for distin

selection for a hero, the author was somewhat guished military exploits-always a large number embarrassed. No youth, born and educated in in every government. The leaders in this combina

Great Britain, could be supposed to possess the tion were eager and practised politicians, bred in the

ignorance which the subject required, without also schools of some of the parties, which had heretofore being tainted with qualities peculiar to the lower divided the country. Their political creed, there- classes in that country, and which would disqualify fore, was various, according to the school in which

him for the spirited part of the hero of a British each had been educated ; but it was accomodating, drama in high life. The hero, therefore, must be and sufficiently held in the back-ground to enable

a youth, educated abroad; and the greater the it to await events. The opinions of the chief him

contrast between the habits of his former life, and

those of the class into which he would be thrown, ringly added, in particular cases, where the imporby his sudden acquisition of landed property in tance of the subject requires them. Ireland, the better for the purpose of the author. Mr. Anthon has adopted a commendable method Long must the author have pondered ere he solved in the disposition of his task. He treats of the his problem. We wonder that he did not feign great territorial divisions first, in a comprehensive his hero brought up in the United States. Surely, manner, which leaves a clear, general impression no contrast could have been greater than that upon the reader's mind, and afterwards, with such between the principles of equality and political jus- details as may appear necessary, gathering togetice, received here in early life, and the narrow ther, in the shape of notes, such explanatory obserprejudices of the privileged classes of Great Britain. vations as he deems necessary to illustrate the Perhaps, however, this solution of the difficulty text, or to account for his preference in cases would have carried Mr. Lever too far. Perhaps, where authorities conflict. These " observations" in the contest between two such different modes of generally contain lucid summaries of such historical viewing life, the young stranger's ideas must have and ethnological questions as the text suggests. appeared too sensible and just; those of his new Considering the vast range of the work, the friends, too bigoted and arriere. The author darkness of the subject, and the immense number brings his hero to Ireland, from the semi-piratical of authorities consulted, it is to be presumed that naval service of the late Colombian Republic. oversights must have occurred in this first edition, Possessor of enormous wealth, suddenly acquired, which the author, at a future period, will correct. gifted with all the attributes of novel-heroism, and Cursory as our own perusal has been, several indesirous withal to administer his high stewardship stances have attracted our notice, where, without for the good of his fellow-beings, but, inexperi- attempting to decide between Mr. Anthon and enced in the ways of the old world, Roland be- our own former teachers, we saw that either they comes the dupe of designing adventurers, and soon or he must be wrong. Not a few passages also learns, through sad experience, that the art of might be cited where our author is in glaring condoing good, is most difficult to acquire. The tradiction with himself. For example, when we manner in which the hero illustrates the truth he read (p. 4) that the Basque was a branch of the intended to establish, is beyond all praise.

Celtic, we fancied that Mr. Anthon must have There is one character, whose presence in this discovered some new facts in philology, which overnovel we regret. It is that of Tom Linton. He turned what we had been led to consider a well is a thorough villain in high lise, cold, perfidious, established theory, and which also set at nought unprincipled, and heartless. He has not one single some very agreeable hypotheses of our own thereredeeming trait. For the high intellectual facul

But we found consolation at page 158, ties wherewith he is endowed, only aggravate his where the author, entrenching himself behind the enormous guilt. Not even the pride of station, or formidable authority of W. Von Humboldt, bids the pride of ambition, seems to lend one good im- us rest assured that the Basque is not of Celtie, but pulse to his callous heart. He evinces no affec- of Iberian, and, therefore, remotely, of Flemish tion for any human being. His love for the Lady origin. A conclusion, perfectly in accordance Kilgoff of the novel, is, it would seem, purposely with facts ascertained from widely different shown in a light which gives no relief to his detes- sources, and all tending to prove that the interesttable nature. It seems to have been the author's ing people who inhabit that section of France and predetermined aim to depict a monstrous embodi- Spain, where the beautiful Basque language is still ment of all that is evil. Now, we believe that the spoken, (a language which Montaigne almost reportraiture of such a character is not only a libel grets is not his own,) are the sole surviving repreagainst human nature, but, also, a blunder in art. sentatives of the oldest and purest stock in Europe

- perhaps in the world. A System of Ancient and Mediaval Geogra- No maps or plans accompany the work;

phy. For the use of Schools and Colleges: By our author refers us, in his preface, to Findley's CHARLES ANTHON, L. L. D., &c. New York: Classical Atlas, as being “ the best collection of Harper & Brothers.

classical maps for its size that has hitherto appearProfessor Anthon bids fair to leave behind him reader, who requires Professor Anthon's work

ed.” We cannot help thinking that the general the fame of the most indefatigable compiler of chiefly as a book of reference, would have been modern times. There is scarcely any walk of better pleased with a few maps, representing, on classical literature which his laborious erudition

a small scale, so much of the world as Ptolemy has not invaded. He could not have applied his knew of. industrious research to a subject that stood more in need of comprehensive illustration, than ancient History of William the Conqueror : By JACOB and mediæval geography. The reader is not to understand, from this double title, that the work

ABBOTT, with engravings. New York: Harper now before us proposes, systematically, to expound

& Brothers. the obscure and ever changing political geography Mr. Abbott has, it seems, determined to become of the middle ages. The knowledge of the an- the Plutarch of young readers. His series of biocients concerning the continents of Europe, Asia, graphical sketches is one of the most useful proand Africa, is traced from its earliest ascertained ductions of the age. We would recommend it origin, down to the period when the subversion of not only as furnishing instruction in a pleasing and the Roman Empire effaced old boundaries from intelligible shape for the young, but also as a text the map of the world. Mediæval details are spa- book for many who have passed the age of sys

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