or what is infinitely worse, by submission to rebellion, and in foreign lands a man will blush and hang his head to declare himself an American citizen. A whipped hound should be the emblem of the Northern man who whimpers for a peace that can only be gained by dishonor.

Let us with this sleepless vigilance on our part, repose a generous confidence in our President, who has won the generous applause of his Democratic opponents, nor scan too impatiently the warlike policy of Scott.

Like all true-hearted and brave veterans, he wishes to spare as far as possible the blood

But let us remember our fathers who, eighty-five years ago, this day made univer-alike of loyal soldiers and deluded rebels, sal freedom and equal right the corner-stone of this Republic; let us exhibit, as we have begun to do, their stern resolve and high devotion in behalf of constitutional freedom, and we shall secure for our children and our children's children a gigantic and glorious nationality, based upon principles of Christian civilization, such as the world has never seen before.

There is nothing impossible, nothing improbable in our speedy realization of a glorious future.

The seeds of this rebellion have long lurked in our system: for years it has been coming to a head, and simply from want of proper treatment, it has now burst with angry violence; but the pulse of the nation beats coolly and calmly, the partial local inflammation but serves to exhibit the lusty health of the body politic, and when this rebellion is extinguished, and its cause removed, we may hope that we are safe from an organized rebellion for at least a century

to come.

With what speed this rebellion shall be crushed, depends solely upon yourselves. Let public feeling lag throughout the land, and the War Department will lag in Washington. Let us become careless and indifferent about the matter, and contractors will cheat our soldiers, incompetent officers will expose them to defeat, official indifference will produce general demoralization.

and to carry with the flag of our Union not
simply the power to make it respected but
the more glorious attributes that cause it to
be loved. "Not," to adopt the words of Gov.
Andrew of Massachusetts, “to inaugurate a
war of sections, not to avenge former wrongs,
not to perpetuate ancient griefs of memories
of conflict," will that flag move onwards un-
til it floats again in its pride and beauty over
Richmond and Sumter, and Montgomery and
New Orleans; but to indicate the majesty of
the people, to retain and re-invigorate the
institutions of our fathers, to rescue from
the despotism of traitors the loyal citizens
of the South, and place all, loyal or rebel,
sential to the welfare of the whole.
under the protection of a Union that is es-

The eyes of the whole world are this day fixed upon you. To Europeans themselves, Europeans questions sink to insignificance compared with the American question now to be decided. Rise, my countrymen, as did the majestic grandeur of this question in its our fathers on the day we celebrate, to twofold aspect, as regards America and as regards the world. Remember that with the failure of the American Republic will fall the wisest system of republican government which the wisdom of man has yet invented, and the hopes of popular freedom cherished throughout the globe.

Let us, standing by our fathers' graves, swear anew and teach the oath to our children, that with God's help the American Republic, clasping this continent in its embrace, shall stand unmoved, though all the powers of slavery, piracy, and European jealousy, But let us keep ever in mind the lesson should combine to overthrow it; that we we have so dearly learned-that eternal vig- the past-one country, one Constitution, and shall have in the future, as we have had in ilance is the price of liberty. Let the ad- one destiny; and that when we shall have ministration and the army feel that their passed from earth, and the acts of to-day every act is canvassed by an intelligent peo- shall be matter of history, and the dark ple, and when approved, greeted by a hearty power now seeking our overthrow shall have appreciation; that every branch of industry been itself overthrown, our sons may gather awaits the ending of the war, and that from strength from our example in every contest every part of the land comes the cry of "for-with despotism that time may have in store ward," and the arm of the Union at Washington will obey the heart of the nation, whenever a prayer rises in its behalf, or its flag kisses the breeze of heaven.

under the stars and stripes to battle for freeto try their virtue, and that they may rally dom and the rights of man, with our olden war-cry, "Liberty and Union, now and forever, one an inseparable."

From The Saturday Review. MR. FROUDE'S "STORY FROM THE ARCHIVES OF SIMANCAS." STIMULATED, apparently, by the discoveries of Mr. Motley, Mr. Froude has been searching in foreign archives for evidence respecting English history. It would have been well for his reputation if he had resorted in the first instance to this, which, as opinion in England was gagged under the Tudor despotism, is in fact almost the only independent source of information. He has given us the result of his researches among the French archives in the appendix to his Pilgrim. The letters of the French ambassadors which he has there printed are enough in themselves to demolish his theory of Henry VIII.'s character and government. He has exercised some candor in producing such damning testimony against himself, and he would have exercised still more candor by admitting its weight, instead of sticking as he does to all his paradoxes, and sneering at the rational view of the question as the Italian view, with the French ambassador's decisive confirmation of it under his eyes.

66

erer's confidence in the perfect soundness of his own theories-that he will begin to allow that the history books," as he modestly calls the works of all previous historians, are less contemptible than he has imagined and that he will do a little justice to the illustrious men, such as Fisher, More, and Pole, whose reputations he has fanatically sacrificed to that of his Tudor Dagon? Of one thing he may be sure that the longer he defers this unwelcome but expiatory process, the more severe will be the Nemesis of Truth.

We are, however, not prepared to jump to the conclusion that Mr. Froude's present charges against Elizabeth are perfectly well founded, any more than we were to agree with the extravagantly enthusiastic view he formerly took of her character and government. The witness on whose testimony the whole story depends, is Alvarez de Quadra, Bishop of Aquila, ambassador of Philip II. in London during the first five years of Elizabeth, in whose correspondence with his government all these scandals have been found. The first point, of course, is to ascerThe "Story" which he has now brought tain exactly what sort of man De Quadra us from the archives of Simancas, if it be was, and whether he was a competent and true, is as fatal to his heroine as the French credible witness. Little has been hitherto archives have been to his hero. He had known about him. He is not even menprepared us for an apotheosis of Elizabeth tioned in the Biographie Universelle. Some as extravagant as his apotheosis of Henry account of his mission, and some inkling of VIII. She was to be "the great nature these scandals, is given in the Memorias de which had remoulded the world." (Hist. la Real Academia de la Historia (vol. 7). vol. ii. p. 142.) It was a scandalous thing The title of this paper is Apuntimientos para in his eyes that "the purity of Elizabeth la historia Del Re Don Felipe Segundo de should be an open question among our his- Espana, por lo tocante á sus relaciones con torians, although the foulest kennels must la Reina Isabel de Inglaterra. The author, be swept to find the filth wherewith to defile Don Thomás Gonzalez, keeper of the archives it." He has now been "sweeping a ken- of Simancas, states that he has had access nel" himself, and the result is that he "de- to the original diplomatic correspondence of files" Elizabeth with worse filth than ever the period, including, no doubt, the same was cast upon her name before. He would letters of De Quadra which have furnished now have us believe, on the authority of his the discoveries of Mr. Froude. One fact is recent researches, that she made Leicester given in this paper which materially affects "master of her government and of her own De Quadra's credibility as a witness against person;" that she was privy at least to the the character of Elizabeth. It appears that murder of Leicester's wife; that for the sake in 1563 Elizabeth wrote to Philip, “comof her guilty love she was ready to sell Eng-plaining bitterly of his ambassador, Don Allend and the Reformation to Spain; that varez de Quadra, Bishop of Aquila, who, Cecil alone saved the country from her, and her from herself; and that for these offences her own council were on the point of de- priving her of the throne. Is it vain to hope that this discovery will moderate the discov

notwithstanding his great knowledge, experience, prudence, and ability in the management of affairs, was by no means to her liking, because he meddled with that which was not in his province, and fomented the dis

From The Spectator.

THE "MILK-WHITE HIND."

the system by which the States of the pope and the city of Rome would constitute, so to

SELDOM, even in the Eternal City, has a speak, property in mainmort, set apart to all scene been witnessed such as that now pre-Catholicity, and placed in virtue of a right which is inscribed nowhere above the rights which regulate the fate of all other sovereignties. I confine myself to remarking that the oldest, as well as the most recent histori. cal, traditions do not appear to sanction that doctrine; and that England, Prussia, Russia, and Sweden, powers separate from the Church, signed at Vienna by the same right as France, Austria, Spain, and Portugal, the treaties which restored to the pope the possessions he had lost.

"I hasten to proclaim that the highest considerations of propriety are in accord with the most important social interests in requiring that the Chief of the Church may maintain himself on the throne which has been occu

sented to the world in Rome. The pope, worn out with misery and care, doubtful of his own will, doubtful even, it is said, of the righteousness of his cause, is slowly sickening of incessant defeat. Around his bed the cardinals are splitting in factions, intriguing with France, intriguing with Austria, preparing a schism in the Church, and doubting whether even in despair they can find the strength for a last contest with the age. The French emperor hopes to secure a pope who will abandon the "non possumus," and surrender the temporal power. The Sanfedisti are plotting to fly to Verona and there elect a pope of the old stamp, a man who will yield noth-pied by his predecessor for so many centuries. ing, even to fate. The people are watching all with a dull hope that some end to their misery may be attained at last. The foreigners have quitted the city, the populace are starving amidst their ruins, and exile and imprisonment are still daily inflicted. The pope is still strong to inflict suffering, and amidst incessant intrigue, the conflict of principles, hopes, and fears, Antonelli still finds time to secure his treasure, and punish his personal

foes.

The opinion of the emperor's Government is very firm on that subject, but it thinks also that the prudent exercise of the supreme authority, and the consent of the populations, are in the Roman States, as elsewhere, the first conditions of the solidity of the Govern

ment."

a

The temporal power, then, is not a sacred right, is not a mystery which laymen must receive, as they receive hell, in undoubting though horrified respect. It is simply The passions of all parties, already bitter to sovereignty," subject to the laws which affect a degree, have been envenomed by the des- all other sovereignties liable to change-to patch in which M. Thouvenel announces to revolution, and even to extinction. The patthe Catholic powers the recognition of the rimony of St. Peter is not even the property kingdom of Italy. The French faction see of the Church, but a state, subject, like every in it the certainty of ultimate triumph, the other state, to the public law, administered Austrians the loss of their lingering hope that by the representatives of Europe. Those a Sanfedist might yet be allowed to assume representatives have dealt with it before, and the tiara in Rome. It is not, however, the may deal with it again, and their orthodoxy mere fact of the recognition which so greatly remains without influence on their political disturbs the Conclave. That was expected, right. That doctrine, never yet frankly acand the purple has not wholly extinguished knowledged by a Catholic kingdom, is, we Italian pride, even in the highest rank of Italian priests. But the despatch lays down the principle on which the right to rule Rome must at last be decided, and that principle is fatal to the sovereignty of the popes. In the midst of expressions, cautious beyond the habitual reserve of diplomacy, M. Thouvenel drops one paragraph which it requires no diplomatic skill to explain:

"I do not, however, consider it useful to discuss here, with the necessary development,

need not say, fatal to the last argument in defence of the temporal power. If the content of the people is essential to sovereignty, the pope has no rights in Rome. If the prudent exercise of authority is a first condition of right, the prize has been forfeited by the absence of the condition. If, finally, collective Europe has power to decide on the Roman question, the pope reigns by a sufferance which it needs only the assembling of a congress to exhaust. The principle of papal dominion is surrendered, and the pope

pend our judgment entirely as to these charges till we have the whole of the evidence for them before us.

murder! Mr. Froude has forgotten the excellent reason which he has already given in his History (vol. i. p. 50) for the misery of Meanwhile, it is curious to observe Mr. Elizabeth's last years. "In the 7th and the Froude laying his ground for the delicate 8th of Elizabeth, there are indications of the transition from that which he has already truck system; and towards her later years said respecting the character of Elizabeth to the multiplying statutes and growing comthat which he sees he shall now have to say.plaints and difficulties show plainly that the "Her intellect grew with her years, and her thwarted passions were compelled, for the future, to expend themselves in trifling. But these dark hours of her trial left their shadows on her to the last. She lived with a hungry and unsatisfied heart, and she died miserable." With so fine a graduation of colors is "the great nature which remoulded the world" shaded off into the betrayer of England, the paramour of Dudley, and the accomplice of a most cruel and unnatural

(trading) companies had lost their healthy vitality, and, with other relics of feudalism, were fast taking themselves away. There were no longer tradesmen to be found in sufficient numbers who were possessed of the necessary probity; and it is impossible not to connect such a phenomenon with the deep melancholy which in those years settled down on Elizabeth herself." Surely, it is time that common sense should resume its reign in the treatment of history, and that this rodomontading should have an end.

men.

the sexes? We cannot but think that the result would be advantageous. There would in that case be contrast between highly educated ladies and the Horsebreakers instead of comparison, and they would no longer have between them in common the language of slang, with the superiority on the side of those to whom it is most

SLANG. The Times has had some pleasant abjure slang and every thing fast, and to re-escorrespondence on the subject of the indisposi-tablish the distance that used to be held between tion to matrimony in the higher circles, and the marked preference which the young men give to the society of certain equestrian ladies called the Horsebreakers. The defence of the gentlemen may perhaps be that they find slang everywhere, and that the slang is better done by the ladies to the manner born than by those who have taken it up as a fashion, and a means of put-natural and congenial. We may be indig ting themselves on easy terms with fast young Curious it is to mark the correspondence between dress and manners. Slang came in with the young ladies when they took to male apparel, jackets with huge buttons as big as saucers, and wide-awakes. The clothing of the thoughts took the turn of the clothing of the person, and certainly not with a graceful or homage-compelling effect. Every one, indeed, must have remarked the familiarity that has sprung up in the relations of the youth of the present generation. There is not the gallant attention and deference that used to be paid by the young man to the young lady. If there is admiration, it is of a free-and-easy kind, not a timid, respectful admiration, but boldly asking acceptance. Of course there are many exceptions, nay, what we observe upon may be the exception, not the rule, but such as it is, it is so conspicuous as to seem to mark the character of the manners of the day. Now suppose the mothers of Belgravia and Mayfair, instead of complaining that the young men will not propose, and that they seek the society of the Horsebreakers, were to exhort their daughters to

nantly told that ladies are not chargeable with slang, but if so, they are much belied by the young men who profess to be overdosed with it, and to find it where they do not search for or desire it. Let us add that renouncement of it on the part of the young men would be no small reform, for the use of it for all occasions is adverse to the faculty of expression. A youth now does not think of how he may best convey his thought, whatever it may be, but resorts to some ready-made slang phrase. He is proud of the station of a gentleman, he would be ashamed to appear like the vulgar in any respect but one, in which his language has the same clothing as that of every cockney apprentice and shop-boy. Yet it is here exactly that education should give him the greatest superiority, as next to giving ideas its business is to cultivate the powers of expression. There are thousands of young men now who would be reduced to speechlessness if the slang of which their diction is composed were struck out of it. The dependence is really a very abject one, and their ideas become as poverty-struck as their faculties of expression. -Examiner.