Abbildungen der Seite

is now gained by France and other na- relations have established them. Govtions; and to embody also in that agree- ernments which had broken off relament clauses which should subjectively tions have restored them. Governrecognize the full sovereignty of the ments which had second-class relations Pope and objectively provide a guaran- have raised them to first class. ty of it which he could accept as satis- In the first category the British Emfactory? Sovereignty, it is recognized, pire is noticeable. It sent a minister on must rest on territory: whether as much special mission at Christmas, 1914, for as would go in a teacup, — theoretically the announced purpose that its policy, , sufficient, practically absurd, — or the reasons, aims, intentions, and conduct old States of the Church, or the City of in the war might be rightly understood Rome — practically out of date.

at the Holy See. Now that war is over, Largely theory must govern consid- it has converted its special mission into eration; to any and every solution prac- a permanent legation, by reason of the tical objections can be found. Granting proved value of representation there. that consideration of political interest Holland, in the spring of 1915, carried impels Italy to move; and granting, through Parliament the proposal to as is practically assured, benevolent send a representative to the Holy See, consideration by the Holy See, what on the ground that it was the country's guaranty of his sovereign liberty and special and vital interest that peace independence will the Pope consider should be brought about as soon as possatisfactory? That is the point on sible, and that it was to Holland's inwhich no one can prophesy. What is terest to coöperate with the Vatican. quite certain is, that there is no moral Now that

peace has

come, Holland has obligation on him to claim the old made its relations permanent, receiving guaranty, the old Temporal Power as a separate internuncio instead of a sub it used to exist; but he must claim ordinate share in the Nuncio at Brussomething, and something satisfactory, sels. In this category, too, come all the in its place.

states - Poland, Czechoslovakia, YugoBefore leaving the subject a passing slavia, and the rest — that have risen

, note must be made of that very remark- from the war. In the second category, able phenomenon of the times, the rush France is the outstanding figure. The of civil governments to Rome. Before third is very numerous: the German the war the Holy See had diplomatic Embassy replacing the Prussian Legarelations with a dozen states; now it has tion; Belgium, Chile, Brazil, Peru raissuch relations, either sending a repre- ing their legations to the full rank of sentative or receiving one, or, in the embassies. large majority of cases, both sending and And it is remarkable how this phereceiving, with twenty-five. Quality, nomenon has come about without objectoo, has increased, as well as quantity. tive effort on the part of the Holy See: Before the war Rome sent to foreign the civil governments have approached powers only five nuncios, including Rome, not Rome the civil governments, those of the second class, and two in- though, of course, she has extended to ternuncios; it received only two ambas- them the most cordial welcome. If, sadors and twelve ministers, of foreign indeed, one regards the simple objecstates. Now it sends out nineteen nun- tive historical facts, appearing on the cios and five internuncios, receiving surface, affecting the Holy See in relaeight ambassadors and seventeen min- tion to the war, the phenomenon seems isters. Governments which had no more remarkable still. The Papacy


proclaimed its neutrality and impar- the results of the great war. But to tiality; the Pope announced his policy prophesy as to future historico-political of doing everything possible: first, to possibilities arising from it would be relieve suffering; second, to bring about premature, particularly in view of the peace. On the first count his success very



in which it has come was amazing, showing to the world in a about. There is a point, however, really remarkable manner the unique which rivets the attention. No one, in character and power of the institution considering to-day's phenomenon, can of the Papacy. On the second count he help thinking of old times, when the seems, to all outward appearances, to Pope had relations and agreements with have failed completely. A clause in the all the powers of the world

the secret agreement of April, 1915, by which historico-political world that counted Italy entered the war,

a clause

then: Europe. Such relations were bewhich was, under the resulting cir- tween temporal sovereigns of states cumstances, valueless,-prohibited him and the Pope who also was temfrom having anything to do with the poral sovereign of a state, but at the Peace Conference whenever and how. same time supreme spiritual sovereign ever that might come about. It was of the Catholic princes with whom he valueless because the Holy See always had relations. envisaged peace by agreement, and There is a varied history of the vicissiwould never have taken part in a peace tudes of those relations. But, as the imposed by conquerors on conquered; Pope has said more than once lately, whereas the Allies always held that there times have changed. If we run down could be no just and lasting peace - the list to-day we find His Most Cathosuch as the Holy See itself desired lic Majesty of Spain the only remain- unless founded on the defeat of the ing sovereign of the class of the olden party responsible for the war and the days; we find states which may be callconsequent recognition by Germany ed, in regard to their peoples, Catholic: that war does not pay.

Poland, Belgium, Bavaria, even France, That was always the fundamental and others; but Rome's diplomatic redifference between the Pope and the lations with the world to-day are not Allies in their outlook on peace. Presi- with Catholic princes, but with 'demodent Wilson's reply to the Papal Peace cratic' states, represented by parliaNote of August, 1917, with which the ments and prime ministers. It has been Allies associated themselves, brought said in disparagement of limited comthat point out clearly. Strive as he panies that they have ‘no souls to be would for peace, the Pope seemed to saved or bodies to be kicked.' In the old have no success at all. Yet we now days of Catholic princes and of the have the striking procession of the na- Temporal Power, both these conditions tions of the world toward the Vatican, stood. Such entities to-day have the which, on the face of things, seems to first half of the phrase only in the meashave failed utterly to do what it set it- ure of righteousness of feeling expressed self to do. There is the contradiction; in the policy of the nation influencing but there is the actual, evident fact, the Government; and the second half from which there is no getting away, of stands only in the lessened and entirely the position of increased prestige and changed measure of adjustment of dippower occupied by the Holy See to-day. lomatic differences. In truth, to-day,

, It is certainly one of the great his- Rome's aspect in its relations with the torical phenomena to be noted among world flocking to it must be very differ

[ocr errors]


ent from that of olden days. How it Vatican are still turned, the more so in will align itself will be matter for in- view of its evidently increased prestige teresting study by future students of and objective and subjective importhistory.

and that is the one country And it is for the future students of which is not joining in the rush to Rome. history, not for a passing note-maker The United States receives a purely of the time, to comment on another religious representative of the Pope in striking phenomenon. There is one the person of an Apostolic Delegate, great country to which the Pope's eyes but it has no diplomatic relations with turned specially in every crisis of the the Holy See. That, too, is a policy war; which, up to the very last minute, as to which future students of history, he believed never would come in; to at the Vatican and in America, will have which his eyes turned all the same after opportunity for noting results and it had done so; to which the eyes of the forming judgment.




The editor of the Atlantic has re- the Duke of Northumberland to John quested me to explain the labor sit- Maclean, and with no interest to serve uation in Great Britain to American but the truth. If I am wrong, it is due readers, and has propounded several to lack of judgment, not to bias, or to questions, which I will try to answer in want of study. the course of this essay. He asks for an

I interpretation, rather than a résumé, of the facts, and I will therefore assume Let me begin with the summary that the reader has a certain knowledge statement that so far we have passed of outstanding events. My task is, as through inevitable troubles and trials I understand it, to explain the broad better than we had any sound reason to meaning of what is going on in Eng- expect. We are by no means through land without entering into too much with them yet; but as each successive detail. This, of course, involves mat- corner is turned, the prospect improves. ters of opinion, and a preliminary word This view may cause some surprise on my own standpoint is due. I write and be set down as “optimistic’; but opas a detached observer, who has for timism has nothing to do with it, as I many years studied social conditions shall show. It is based on a reasoned and industrial movements from the life anticipation, formed during the war in many countries, without any parti- from past and current conditions, of the san predilections of any kind, political, industrial situation likely to arise after financial, or theoretical; with friends it, and on a broad survey of the actual and acquaintances in every camp, from course of events since the Armistice.

True, it runs counter to popular opin- tion of promises and expectations. But ion; but popular opinion was, and is, good judges were not taken in by the ill informed in two ways. The public rosy visions of reconstruction. More was first led into false anticipations, than five years ago - ten months beand then disillusion was unduly height fore the first Russian revolution and ened by a one-sided view of the actual eighteen months before the arrival of facts.

Bolshevism — I predicted, in the NineThe war was generally expected to teenth Century and After, great trouble lead straight into a sort of Utopia, in after the war. I said that it would be a which the lion would lie down with the severer trial than the war itself; that lamb and the prophecy contained in the the prospect was full of menace; and eleventh chapter of Isaiah would be at that everyone in a position to judge, least on the way to fulfillment. There with whom I had discussed the queswas no substance in this sanguine vi- tion, was of the same opinion. This sion; it was simply a nebulous hope, reading was based on solid facts, which born of war-excitement and fed by I elaborated a year later in the same replatform phrases, such as 'a land fit for view. I gave reasons for anticipating heroes to live in' and the blessed word 'revolutionary changes, not effected reconstruction.'

without much tribulation and a period I can remember no such prolific be- of adversity.' getter of nonsense as this idea of recon- I recall this, not to vaunt my prestruction. All the socialists, visionaries, science, which was shared by everyone

. and reformers saw in it their oppor- who knew the real conditions and was tunity, and interpreted it in their own not blinded by illusions, but to show way; politicians hung their promises on that there is nothing obscure or mysit, and simple folk rose to it like trout terious about the present situation. It to a fly in May. It proved an irresisti- is due to forces recognized and underble lure and was in everyone's mouth. stood years ago. Those forces have since It created a fool's paradise, in which been stimulated by events at home and every wish was to be gratified. Under abroad. Bolshevism; high prices; the its influence grandiose schemes were spectacle of war-fortunes attributed to hatched and all sense of proportion profiteering and held to be the cause was lost. The alluring prospect took a of high prices; successive increases of thousand forms, but the general idea wages extracted by demonstrations of was that everyone was going to have a force; the rapid growth of trade-unionmuch better time after the war than ism; artificial prosperity created by ever before. In particular, industrial inflation of currency; war-time restricconditions were to be improved out of tions, especially of drink; revolutionrecognition; the standard of living was ary propaganda — all these have had to be raised; men were to work less and their effect, and superficial observers earn more; strife between employers have freely attributed the present sitand employed was to be banished; uation to the influence of one or another peace and prosperity were to reign; of them. and all this immediately. The illusion That is a mistake. The trouble is was too popular to be resisted; protest more deeply rooted in the past and canwas useless.

not be rightly understood without a The currency obtained by these no- knowledge of the historical evolution of tions is shown by the frequent refer- labor movements, which can be indiences in recent disputes to the falsifica- cated here only in brief outline.

[ocr errors]
[ocr errors]


procession of the generations, by which

the old gradually give place to the During the nineteenth century the young. The latter know nothing of the growth of industrialism was accom- struggles and exhaustion of the past; panied by the periodical appearance of they are fresh, full of energy and fight. an active ferment among the wage More than that, their standpoint is earners, at regular intervals of about different, their outlook wider, their twenty years. The outstanding dates, aspirations higher — or, if not high

marking the rise of active movement, er, more purposeful, because nearer to are 1831, 1851, 1871, 1889, and 1911. practical attainment. They start where It will be observed that but for 1889, the previous generation left off. This which a little antedated the lapse of development has been

has been particularly twenty years, the succession has been noticeable in recent years. It is the reremarkably symmetrical. To enumer- sult of the many educative influences ate the signs of this ferment at each ap- that have been brought to bear, and of pearance would occupy too much space. the whole process of social change that I can say only that it took both politi- has permeated the population. cal and industrial forms, sometimes one The notion that class-differences and sometimes the other predominat- have widened is quite erroneous. In ing, with a sort of oscillating move- Great Britain, whatever may be the ment. It issued broadly in legislation case in other countries, there has been a and in the advance of trade-unionism great and multiform approximation of in numbers, organization, legal status, classes. I have witnessed it going on all and privileges. There were collateral my life and at an increasing pace. Those and associated movements, both prac- who do not know it are either bad obtical and theoretical; but I am concen- servers or too young to be able to comtrating attention on the points of great pare the present with the past. The est activity.

contemplation of figures showing the What is the explanation of this peri- extremes of nominal wealth and povodicity? The state of trade has some erty is misleading. It hides the approxithing to do with it. Each successive mation in real conditions. To take the time of ferment was associated with an most visible thing, no one even thinks upward movement of trade, following of building either the palaces or the a depression; but this alone will not ac- hovels that once regularly represented count for the phenomenon. For in each the extremes. The hovels are abolished, period of twenty years there have been the palaces are being abandoned, the intermediate terms of rising trade, dur- extremes have come much nearer toing which no corresponding advance gether, and the same process is going in the labor movement has occurred. on in all the things that matter. There In some of them a certain amount of has been a great diffusion of real wealth response was perceptible; but it was in comforts and conveniences, a great very small compared with the activity diffusion of knowledge and the means of the fermentative years enumerated. of self-improvement, a great diffusion These were followed in each case by a of political power and administrative period of apparent exhaustion, during functions. Men of all classes meet on which strength was gathered for a level terms in the council chamber and fresh advance.

on the magisterial bench; all classes The chief explanation of this, in my mingle on the railway platform, where opinion, is to be found in the natural millionaires not

millionaires not infrequently betake

« ZurückWeiter »